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中共劃設東海防空識別區對東海區域安全衝擊之研究 / The Influence of the security of East China Sea on PRC'S Air Defense Identification Zone高岳良 Unknown Date (has links)
設立防空識別區的根本目的是為了維護國家空防安全,基本理念是「禦敵於國門之外」,是國家行使自保權的需要,是一個主權國家的重要防禦手段。空軍軍事法院院長刑洪波曾說:作為一個預警概念,防空識別區制度具有國家性、單方性、穩定性、防禦性、強制性五個方面的特性。防空識別區的劃設與國家安全的關係是緊密不分的,雖然防空識別區是由自身國家所劃設,在國際上是不具有國際法效力,但是此區可以說是一個國家空防能夠及早預警的延伸範圍,所以它的劃設是具有其必要性的。而如何劃設本身國家的防空識別區便與國際政治上國家與國家之間的影響力有密切關係。
近年來中共經濟發展迅速,在國際事務上已成關鍵,有發展成強權國家之勢,在2012年發生了日本收購釣魚島事件,對於東海戰略平衡上,破壞了中、日、台在東海上的平衡,也影響了中共防空識別區的劃定及周邊航道安全的維護。而2013年中共設立東海防空識別區,對於國際造成嚴重影響,尤其是東海地區局勢更加動盪。中共在2015年1月15日發布飛航公告,擬在台灣海峽劃設一條南北向新航路,與東西向三條新航路,此舉動造成台灣海峽及附近區域安全上的強烈衝擊。而美國為了圍堵、威攝和遏制中國大陸的崛起,近年來不斷的和日、韓等國家在黃海、東海、南海地區頻繁進行大規模軍演,並決定「亞太再平衡政策」,推動戰略東移目標,要在2020年內將60%的軍事力量轉移至亞太地區,擴大其在該地區的軍事基地建設,進駐先進武器在關島及其他基地。而對中華民國而言,中共劃設東海防空識別區對東海地區安全的衝擊,是非常重要的,中華民國應強化在東海的話語權,並從多邊面向思考對外發展戰略思維的調整。 / Established air defense identification zone's fundamental purpose is to safeguard national aviation security, the basic idea is the "enemy out," is the need to exercise the right of national self-protection is an important means of defense of a sovereign state. President of the Air Force Military Court Criminal Hongbo said: As an early warning concept, air defense identification zone system has national characteristics unilateral, stability, defense, mandatory five aspects. Designation of the relationship between national security and air defense identification zone are closely regardless, although the air defense identification zone is the designation of the country itself, it is in the international community does not have the force of international law, but this area can be said to be a country capable of air defense extending the scope of immediate early warning, so it is a designation of its necessity. And how the designation of their national air defense identification zone will be closely related to the international political influence on the state and between countries.
In recent years, the CCP's rapid economic development, has become critical in international affairs, has developed into a potential power countries, Japan, the acquisition of the Diaoyu Island incident occurred in 2012, the strategic balance on the East China Sea, destroyed, Japan and Taiwan in the East China Sea balance, also affected the delineation and the surrounding seaways CCP air defense identification zone maintenance. And in 2013 the CPC established the East China Sea air defense identification zone for international severely affected, especially the situation in the East China Sea region more volatile. CCP released January 15, 2015 flight announcement, to be in the Taiwan Strait designation of a new north-south route, with three new east-west route, this move will have a strong impact on the vicinity of the Taiwan Strait and regional security. And the United States to containment, deterrence and curb the rise of mainland China, in recent years, and Japan, Korea and other countries frequently conduct large-scale military exercises in the Yellow Sea, East China Sea, South China Sea, and decided to "rebalance Asia policy" to promote the strategic eastward target to 60% in 2020 year will be transferred to the Asia-Pacific region's military to expand its construction of military bases in the region, advanced weapons stationed in Guam and other bases. The Republic of China, the CPC designation of the impact of the East China Sea air defense identification zone of the East China Sea regional security, it is very important to the Republic of China should strengthen the right to speak in the East China Sea, and think to adjust its foreign strategic thinking from multilateral development-oriented.
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歐巴馬「亞太再平衡」戰略對兩岸關係之影響 / The impact of Obama's「Asia Pacific Rebalancing」strategy on cross-strait relationship朱子宏, Chu, Tzu Hung Unknown Date (has links)
美國可稱為新現實主義的實踐者。在1970年代美國藉由透過拉攏中華人民共和國(中共)形成戰略三角來維持國家安全的最佳位置。蘇聯解體後,中共成為威脅美國的新興強權。約翰•米爾斯海默(John J. Mearsheimer)於1990年代提出了攻勢現實主義(Offensive Realism),米氏認為在無政府的國際體制下,權力極大化才能確保國家安全,中共勢必也將會為了國家安全,擴張其軍事實力,成為具區域影響力的強權,掌握亞太區域事務的主導權。
歐巴馬(Barack Obama)政府在2009年順利執政後,其任命的國務卿希拉蕊•柯林頓(Hillary Clinton)於Foreign Policy發表了一篇《America’s Pacific Century》,文中定調亞太地區為未來美國政府在外交政策、國際政治經營以及全球戰略的核心,為歐巴馬的亞太政策鋪路,隨後歐巴馬在2012年公佈《維繫美國全球領導地位:21 世紀國防優先事項》(Sustaining U.S. Global Leadership: Priorities for 21st Century)的戰略報告,正式宣告將全球戰略佈局重心移至亞太地區,即是現今國際間熟知的亞太再平衡(Asia Pacific Rebalancing)戰略,而此一戰略的目標就是對中共在亞太地區進行新世紀的區域圍堵。中共與美國競合的過程中,中華民國(臺灣)扮演著關鍵第三者,臺灣執政當局在歐巴馬推動「亞太再平衡」戰略期間所扮演的角色與立場,也將會影響兩岸關係的現狀與未來發展。 / The United States can be called Neo-Realism practitioners, and in the 1970s the United States was the best place to maintain national security by forming a strategic triangle with the People's Republic of China (PRC). After the disintegration of the Soviet Union, the PRC became an emerging power threatening the United States. John J. Mearsheimer, who introduced Offensive Realism in the 1990s, argues that state’s power should be maximized, in order to ensure national security in the anarchistic international relationship. PRC is also seeking its own safety position at the national security level. Therefore, PRC has to expand its military strength and have the capability to influence regional affairs. The end state of PRC, is to master the Asia-Pacific regional affairs of the initiative.
After the Barack Obama administration took office in 2009, his secretary of state, Hillary Clinton, published an article “America’s Pacific Century” on Foreign Policy website. This article elaborates center of gravity of U.S.’s foreign policy, management of international politics and global strategy in the near future. Obama administration had an announcement “Sustaining U.S. Global Leadership: Priorities for 21st Century” in 2012. And it became a well-known strategy “Asia-Pacific Rebalance”, and the goal of this strategy is to create a strategic containment for PRC in a new era of global competition. The Republic of China (Taiwan) plays a key role during Sino-American competition. Roles and behaviors of Taiwan's administration will affect Cross-Strait relationship when Obama’s administration execute the strategy of “Asia-Pacific Rebalancing”
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中共「亞洲新安全觀」倡議之研究 / The study of the initiative of thePRC.'s "New Asia Security Concept"蕭時遠, Hsiao, Shih-Yuan Unknown Date (has links)
全球化、相互依賴是21世紀的發展潮流,中美兩大經濟體系(G2)的競合,更是主導國際體系發展的方向,2014年中共國家主席習近平,提出「亞洲新安全觀」的亞洲共識,中國大陸扮演更負責任的區域大國角色,對區域穩定、和平發展有所貢獻,期盼美國放棄冷戰時期的對抗意識形態。
從地緣政治分析政治、經濟、軍事安全面各向,窺視中美競合中多邊與雙邊關係,理解中國大陸的「亞洲新安全觀」倡議與美國「亞太再平衡」政策競合下的消長與發展趨勢。
期能理解在東、西方不同文明、體制的思維,過去意識形態對抗的謬誤本質與潛藏危機,發掘「亞洲新安全觀」對區域和平與穩定發展的契機與永續經營之道。 / 全球化、相互依賴是21世紀的發展潮流,中美兩大經濟體系(G2)的競合,更是主導國際體系發展的方向,2014年中共國家主席習近平,提出「亞洲新安全觀」的亞洲共識,中國大陸扮演更負責任的區域大國角色,對區域穩定、和平發展有所貢獻,期盼美國放棄冷戰時期的對抗意識形態。
從地緣政治分析政治、經濟、軍事安全面各向,窺視中美競合中多邊與雙邊關係,理解中國大陸的「亞洲新安全觀」倡議與美國「亞太再平衡」政策競合下的消長與發展趨勢。
期能理解在東、西方不同文明、體制的思維,過去意識形態對抗的謬誤本質與潛藏危機,發掘「亞洲新安全觀」對區域和平與穩定發展的契機與永續經營之道。
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