本文主要欲了解「一帶一路」戰略之概念，「一帶一路」為中國領導人習近平於2013年提出的新中國外交戰略，然而由於「一帶一路」戰略之概念太過龐大，必須透過「一帶一路」框架下各區域之戰略，才能更了解「一帶一路」的總體狀況，因此本文選擇RCEP (Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership，區域全面經濟夥伴關係協定)作為了解「一帶一路」之通道，因為廣義來說RCEP可視為中國「一帶一路」戰略下的其中一環。 此外，本文的研究方法為文獻分析法，並以地緣經濟理論做為本文的研究途徑。在經濟全球化浪潮之下，國際關係已從以往國際政治權力取向之地緣政治，逐漸轉變成為追求自身國家經濟利益為主要任務之「地緣經濟」時代，一國的經濟水平將提升至國家安全戰略角度來思考，國家為保護本國的市場與投資利益，往往以地理位置出發與鄰近國家形成區域經濟集團，以追逐更多的經濟利。RCEP便是從地緣經濟的角度思考，為追求東北亞與東南亞國家的經濟合作與發展，由東盟十國為主導，中國大陸強力支持而形成之超級自由貿易區。因此，本文將以地緣經濟途徑作為了解RCEP協議之工具。 本文研究問題如下：(一)近期中國與RCEP其他成員國的勞動分工關係為何？ (二)如何以地緣經濟理論解釋中國與RCEP成員國的勞動分工關係？本文的研究結果如下：(一)近期中國與RCEP的其他成員國的勞動分工關係，本文認為中國對RCEP成員國的勞動分工關係呈現「動態性逐漸向資本技術密集型產業移動」的趨勢，而RCEP成員國對中國的勞動分工關係呈現「提供原材料與科技取向」的伙伴關係。 (二) RCEP的構建，是地緣經濟時代下的產物，從中國與RCEP成員國的勞動分工關係中，可以看出其中確實蘊含大量的地緣經濟理論之實踐，共有以下三點：一是中國與RCEP成員國呈現「互補性」的勞動分工關係，此互補性的關係，提供了RCEP成員國能組成區域經濟集團之基本也是必要之條件。二是為了尋求更高的經濟利益，中國對RCEP成員國的勞動分工關係從生產附加價值低的勞動密集型產業，轉移到生產附加價值高的資本技術密集型產業。三為中國與RCEP成員國的勞動分工關係中，可以看出彼此的合作中有競爭，競爭中有合作的局面。

冷戰時期，蘇聯對印度支那半島政策的變化，是東南亞地區穩定的重要變數之一。蘇聯解體後，俄羅斯聯邦獨立，並且繼承原蘇聯所有的國際義務與權力。問題在於，在當代東南亞多元權力互動的格局中，俄羅斯在其間扮演何種角色？普丁政府在面臨國內外局勢變化之下，能否恢復俄羅斯（前蘇聯）在東南亞的國際政治利益？ 本文試圖透過地緣經濟分析途徑，來觀察冷戰後俄羅斯在普丁時期對東南亞政策之形成背景、主要內涵，以及互動關係。本文認為，隨著冷戰終結和亞太國際局勢之變化，亞太地區主要政治力量都在調整自身的政治、經濟、外交和安全戰略。為了保障區域安全、和平與穩定，東南亞國家加速東協整合及擴大的腳步，期望在政經及安全問題方面達成共識，並力求獲得區域事務的主導權和影響力。俄羅斯與東南亞諸國發展關係在於保障國家經濟利益的實現，進而追求在亞太地區中取得優勢地位，最終完成大國地位的目標。 首先，本文探討自蘇聯解體後俄羅斯獨立以來，俄羅斯外交思想、地緣戰略思想之演變與俄羅斯亞太政策的關係。同時，回顧蘇聯最後一任領導人戈巴契夫、俄羅斯前任總統葉爾欽及現任總統普丁亞太政策的變遷重點，旨在檢視俄羅斯對東南亞政策的歷史脈絡時，有比較清晰的政策變動觀點以供分析。 其次，本文討論俄羅斯（包括前蘇聯）與東南亞主要國家的雙邊關係，而以政治、經濟、軍事及文化等面向為分析層次，依次觀察和分析雙邊關係所呈現的特色和問題。研究分成俄羅斯與傳統邦交國和俄羅斯與美國盟國兩部份，分析雙邊關係合作的原因、過程、變動和影響。 最後，藉由回顧前蘇聯與東協關係的發展歷程，探討俄羅斯與東協國家之多邊政治對話、經貿及軍事關係，主要目的在瞭解普丁政府對東南亞地區各國間多邊關係之態度、立場及政策。 / During the cold war, Soviet involvement in Indochina Peninsula was one of the crucial factors which affected the political stability in Southeast Asia. After the disintegration of the Soviet Union, the Russian Federation gained independence and inherited all the privileges and obligations of the former Soviet Union in the international arena, but the situation in Indochina and Southeast Asia has changed a great deal. What role does Russia play in this important geopolitical region? Given the new domestic and international realities, will the Putin government regain the political interests and influence which the former Soviet Union once possessed in this region? Through geo-economic analysis, this thesis tries to explore the main contents of the Putin government's policy toward Southeast Asia, its formation background and the establishment of multi-lateral relationship with the major countries in this area. We observe that, with the end of the Cold War, and facing a different international situation, all the major political entities in SE Asia are making adjustments on the political and economic fronts, as well as in foreign and security policies. For the sake of regional security and stability, SE Asia countries have accelerated the expansion and integration of the ASEAN organization to secure its leadership in the regional affairs. From the Russian point of view, economy is no doubt a major factor which influences it policy formation in recent years. Starting from the pursuit of national economic interests, Russia also hopes to regain the status of a major player in this region, as the former Soviet Union once had. To start with, we study the evolution of Russian foreign policy and geopolitical thoughts and its relation to Russia's Asian Pacific policy. Also, we review the changes in the Asian pacific policies during the years of Gorbachov, Yeltsin, and Putin. The aim is to gain a clearer view of the factors which affected the making of the policies. Secondly, we discuss the bilateral relationships between the major countries of SE Asia and Russia (and also the former Soviet Union), which include political, economic, military, and cultural aspects. We try to extract the special features and problems in these bilateral relationships. This studies is divided into two parts, one includes countries which were traditional allies of the former Soviet Union, while the other includes countries which belonged to the opposite camp - aligned with the USA. We study the major driving factors and the historical steps which resulted in the establishment of full bilateral cooperation between Russia and various SE Asian countries. Finally, after a review of the relationship between the former Soviet Union and ASEAN, we investigate Russia's establishment of multi-lateral dialogue with ASEAN countries on political, economic, and military fronts. The aim is to understand the motive and policy of the Putin government in the area of multi-national cooperation in SE Asia.

區域整合是國際現勢發展的主題，鑑於過去如關稅暨貿易總協定(GATT)的多邊協商奴制發生了太多如區域集團發展差距引致之意念歧異、功能不彰等問題，甚或促使新保護主義的興起，因此歧異性較少而得以提昇共識及效率的區域性協商合作及整合，漸次取代了全球性的合作發展，然而另一方面，此種區域整合，實也為洲際合作甚或全球合作提供一定的基礎。 90年代初期以還，世界經濟區域集團化的趨勢迅速發展，以美國、加拿大及墨西哥組成的北美自由貿易區已開始運作，此區域集團還將向拉丁美洲其他國家拓展。而歐洲單一市場早已形成，歐洲國家並努力促使歐洲聯盟的發展能更趨成熟，正向著政治及貨幣同盟之路續進。世界各地漸次充斥著關稅領域、共同市場、經濟同盟、自由貿易區等等區域整合的趨向。在世界經濟及政治區域化、集團化趨勢愈趨明顯下，亞太地區的發展亦展現了部份成果，如1989年由澳洲總理霍克倡議成立的「亞太經濟合作理事會」(Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation, APEC)，結合該區十八個國家和地區之經濟合作等，但因此區域內各國經濟發展進程情形不一，存在不少差距及障礙亟待克服，使經濟合作的腳步至今一直無法大步向前，未來亦恐難以進展太多，反倒是以東南亞國協為主的東南亞次區域經濟合作有更樂觀的發展，或許是東協國家間的差異性不至於太大吧！ 東南亞的區域整合於是在以1967年成立的東協為主的經濟合作帶領下展開了新頁，尤其在1980年代末期以來東協各國經濟爭先蓬勃發展及1991年之後東埔寨問題的陸續解決後，整合愈見長進，東協目前已決定在2003年成立自由貿易區，並且有許多政治及安全上的合作，為亞太地區的安全做出不少貢獻，例如1994年由東協推動開始運作的「東協區域論壇」(ASEAN Regional Forum, ARF)。而一般研究該區整合者多從經濟角度切入，本論文則嘗試由地緣政治的論點作為著眼點，探討東協各國在區域整合之努力中亦不乏有該種政治戰略考量。地緣政治一般公認的定義為「研究地理及地理條件對國家外交政策、國際政治及戰爭之影響的科學」；地緣戰略學為一種中間性科學(Intermediate Science)，不但旁涉地理、歷史、政治學和國際關係，在國家安全戰略中亦備受矚目，某些方面並與大戰略相似，在五角大廈、白宮和克里姆林宮中，都成為其計畫作為之一部份，而地略學本身已有相當悠久的歷史，其中許多觀念都是經過長期演進而來的。 東協國家多位於東南亞半島上，基於該區地緣政治之考量，本身必定很瞭解其戰略價值，而認知到有進行整合該地理板塊國家之必要，故結合中南半島諸國，以從東協七國(至1995年止)成為東協十國則是其進行區域整合之目標。在1997年7月舉行之東協外長會議上，頗受西方國家爭議的緬甸仍然在東協堅持下，與寮國正式成為東協之第八及第九個會員國，除了柬埔寨因戰亂導致內政不安而被延緩入會外。東協之不顧歐美國家抗議緬甸入會，且努力想完成東協十國的夢想，除了想擴大其政治經濟版圖之外，其所透露的地緣戰略訊息頗值得研究。 值得注意的是，戰略思考及作為多數是隱而未顯的，更有如大戰略等，非經數十年之長久時間，是不易為外人觀察得知的。另外必須重視的是，隨著21世紀來臨的腳步，「安全」的定義及內涵已然朝向綜合性及全面性的發展之際，戰略的設計與作為亦應嘗試涵蓋所有高、低階政治的議題層面，如此應使安全戰略內容更為完整。

經濟是習近平發展「中國夢」不可或缺的重要支柱，中國在經濟高速發展下，能源消耗量持續激增，缺乏能源將對經濟與社會發展產生負面影響，對外依存度日益擴大，增加石油及天然氣進口，是解決中國能源短缺問題的主要方法。 就中國能源安全而言，外部面臨海外能源來源受周邊地緣政治影響，內部存在能源結構上過度依賴煤炭等問題，而鄰接中國的中亞地區為新興能源中心，與中亞的能源合作能夠減少能源輸入風險、改善能源結構，有助中國克服能源安全的窘境。中亞的豐富能源不僅受到周邊大國的覬覦，也使中亞國家內部生成尋租與貪腐、制度弱化、資金錯配、阻礙長期發展等資源詛咒現象。本論文透過觀察中國與中亞間雙邊貿易、直接投資與大型投資與合約的變化，從國際政治經濟學的視角，分析獲得中國正運用經濟資源在中亞發揮政治影響力，逐步實踐具體的能源戰略。中國藉地緣經濟進入中亞，掌握經濟互補的競爭優勢，以提供中亞國家發展所需資金與基礎建設，並排除區域發展障礙，增進彼此能源合作的機會，達成鞏固中國能源安全的戰略目的。 / A strong economy is the rock of XI Jingpi’s “Chinese Dream”; however, because of the dramatically increasing energy consumption with rapid economic growth, energy deficiency leads to negative economic and societal effects in China. Therefore, in light of aggravated overdependence on energy imports, the major solution for the shortage would be searching for more energy accesses, especially for oil and natural gas. China faces several energy security problems. For example, domestically, China heavily depends on coal as thermal resources. Externally, energy accesses significantly are affected by geopolitics. However, Central Asia, a new but major center of natural resources, not just a neighbor of China, but also a crucial partner in energy cooperation capable of reducing China’s risks of importing resources from other routes, changing Chinese energy structure at present, and finally helping China overcomes the problem of energy security. Abundant resources is not just a blessing making other countries jealous, resources also becomes a curse resulting from rent-seeking, corruption, financial dislocation, etc. in Central Asian countries, and these issues hinder the long-term development in the region. From the international political economy perspective, I observe the change of bilateral trade, foreign direct investment, and major investment contracts between China and Central Asian countries to analyze if China gradually practices its energy strategy through imposing political influence in Central Asia via economic leverages. I find that China encourages energy cooperation with Central Asian countries by taking the advantage of geography and financing investment of infrastructure which both creates a promising environment of development.

進入21世紀以來，隨著經濟全球化和地區經濟一體化的深化，中國推動韓半島政策，對外戰略而言含有諸多作為：第一、謀求擴大經濟利益；第二、作為地緣經濟戰略夥伴；第三、作為主導東北亞地區地緣經濟合作的管道。 為此，中國著眼於中、韓、朝三方的國家發展需求和地緣經濟互補性，謀求加強與南北韓政治經濟合作的發展，同時，以三方之間地緣經濟合作優勢確保其在韓半島的影響力，在此基礎上，中國謀求消除韓半島安全不確定性，牽制美國影響力和日本勢力。從此觀點來看，中國對韓半島政策就是中國對外戰略的出發點。 從地緣經濟戰略觀點而言，中國與韓半島關係不僅與中國營造發展經濟良好周邊環境有關，而且中國在中韓、中朝關係上具有政治經濟合作利益空間，因而中國加強與南韓政治領域合作交流，透過以經濟條件拋棄北韓邊緣政策，謀求維持韓半島和平與穩定。另外，中國利用與韓半島地緣經濟所長，加強與南北韓經貿合作，深化南北韓對中國經濟依存度，進而通過中國對南北韓的經濟優勢，主導中韓、中朝的地緣經濟合作，確保對韓半島的戰略優勢與影響力。 中國對韓半島政策的目標，將韓半島作為中國發展經濟戰略的管道，謀求地緣經濟利益最大化，透過提升在韓半島的影響力，使得韓半島走向中立化。中國對韓半島實施地緣經濟政策以來，中國與南北韓關係日益密切，在某種領域上，中國已經超越周邊大國的影響力。 在政治與安全領域，中國與南北韓透過領導人和高層人士進行頻繁互訪、建立相互對話機制或設立熱線管道，提高相互信任，加強雙方關係、謀求地區安全和發展。在經濟上，中國引進為自身經濟建設所需要的資金、高技術及礦物資源，而提供為南北韓經濟成長所需的巨大出口市場，尤其是中國也提供北韓經濟所需的原油和工業產品。由此，最近幾年來，中國成為南北韓對外貿易最大夥伴，與此同時，引起南北韓經濟對中國依存度的深化，因而，中國對韓半島的影響力正在擴大。 / Since the start of the 21st century, with constant intensification of the process of economic globalization and regional economic integration, China has pursued much-evolved Korean Peninsula policy for its own strategic goals as following: First, to strengthen its own economic interest; Second, to make the geoeconomic partnership with the two Koreas; Third, to make the partnership as the leverage for regional strategy. For the sake of securing economic common interest and geoeconomic complementarities with the two Koreas, China seeks to develop the cooperative relationship with North and South Korea. At the same time, China seeks to ensure its influence on the Korean Peninsula by using its geoeconomic advantage on the Korean Peninsula. Based on the relations, China hopes to remove the destabilizing factors in the security on the Korean Peninsula, and seeks to restrain American influence and Japan’s power. From this viewpoint, China’s Korea Policy is the starting point of China's foreign policy. From the perspective of geoeconomic strategy, the relationship between China and the two Koreas are much important with regard to building favorable environment for economic development. At the same time, the relations of China-South Korea and China-North Korea have economically and politically beneficial space. Therefore, on the one hand, China has been strengthening political cooperation with South Korea, and China has been forcing the North Korea to abandon the brinkmanship diplomacy by using economic inducements through cooperation with South Korea. As a result, it was designed for maintaining peace and stability on the Korean Peninsula. On the other hand, by utilizing the geoeconomic advantage with the two Koreas, China has strengthened the economic cooperation with the two Koreas; it has deepened the two Koreas’ economic dependency on China; As a result, it has been taking the lead in geoeconomic cooperation with the two Koreas; and it has been securing its strategic advantage and influence over the Peninsula. The objective of China’s Korea policy is to make the Peninsula be the ditch of China’s economic development; to maximize its geoeconomic interest; besides, to make the Koreas become neutralizing by taking advantage of geoeconomic influence. Since the implementation of China’s geoeconomic policy on the Peninsula, its relations with the two Koreas have become much closer. In some realms, China surpassed neighboring big powers’ influence. In the realm of politics and security, China has pursued the mutual confidence building by the means such as reciprocal visits, mutual dialogue mechanism and hot-line setting with the leadership of the two Koreas for the sake of strengthening of the bilateral relationship and securing of the regional security. And, in the realm of economy, while China brought in investment and high technology from the South side and the mineral resources from the North side, it provided the huge export market for the Peninsula, especially the crude oil and industrial products for the North. Recently, China has become one of the two Korea’s biggest trade partner. Consequently, the two Koreas’ economic dependency on China has been deepening and China’s influence on the Peninsula has been expanding.

世界貿易組織成立之後，各國經濟發展隨著交通工具與網際網路的進步，「全球化」與「區域化」成為推動全球經濟發展的動力，區域合作對國際關係的重整產生深遠的影響，同時民族國家更希望透過區域性的整合來增加經濟效率與政治接受度。已成為全球第二大經濟體的中國大陸，其領導人習近平於2013年分別提出了「絲綢之路經濟帶」與「二十一世紀海上絲綢之路」的戰略構想，做為其以經濟優勢為基礎，對周邊國家實施區域整合的策略，並成為區域性霸權的雙面刃。 基於地緣政治的因素，為了有效的施行中國大陸以發展成海洋強國為主軸的「二十一世紀海上絲綢之路」戰略構想，東南亞國協成為中國大陸企業走出去的首選目標。強調以東南亞國協為中心的「區域全面經濟夥伴協定」為中國大陸所積極推動的區域經濟整合，普遍被認為是中國大陸為了主導全球經濟，制衡美國所支持的「跨太平洋夥伴關係協定」之戰略手段，東協亦成為中美權力較量的重點區域。除了與區域外強權的經貿競逐，東南亞國協十國於政治、經濟、文化、宗教、地理與自然資源因素都存在很大的差異，中國大陸推行經貿整合的過程雖創造了合作的機遇，卻也存在諸多風險。 2010年中國大陸與東協自貿區成立以來，雙邊的服務貿易與貨物貿易協議成效均不斷擴大，中國大陸藉由「二十一世紀海上絲綢之路」和中國大陸與東協自貿區「升級版」作為中國大陸與東協當前經濟合作的支撐，並以投資為合作主軸，互聯互通為核心，輔以亞洲基礎建設投資銀行及絲路基金等銀彈策略，同時為中國大陸經濟高速成長產能過剩問題尋求出路，本文透過中國大陸海權戰略、區域經濟整合與東協經貿外交進程，分析其機遇、挑戰及影響。 / After the World Trade Organization(WTO) was formed, the progress of both the transportation and network have been pushing the development of countries’ economy. “Globalization” and “Regionalization” become the power for promoting global economy development. Regional cooperation has deep influence on the reformation of international relations. Meanwhile, nation-states would like to increase economic efficiency and political acceptance through regional integration. In 2013, China, being the world’s second largest economy, its leader, Xi Jinping, raised up strategic concept of “Silk Road Economy Belt” and “21st Century Maritime Silk Road” for its foundation of economic advantages.China is using it as a tactic to perform regional integration of the neighboring countries and to become a regional superpower. Based on the geo-political reason, in order to effectively enforce the strategic concept of “Twenty-first Century Maritime Silk Road” and to develop China as a maritime power, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has become the top choice for Chinese corporations to walk out. The “Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP)” centered on the ASEAN nations, which China is actively pushing for, is widely believed to be a strategic move to lead the global economy and to balance “Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement” supported by the United States. The ASEAN has become the competing focal point for both China and the U.S. Besides the economic competition with the outside regional superpowers, all the 10 members of the ASEAN countries exist significant differences in politics, economy, culture, religion, geography, and natural resources. Therefore, despite China is creating the opportunity of economic and trading cooperation, there are still many risks. Since the establishment of China and ASEAN Free Trade Area(CAFTA) in 2010, the result of service trade and goods trade agreement has expanded. China uses both “21st Century Maritime Silk Road” and the upgraded version of “China-ASEAN Free Trade Area” to support its economic cooperation with the ASEAN, meanwhile, using investment as the principle for cooperation, and mutual communication as the core, and money bullet from Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) and Silk road fund as the assisting strategy in order to seek way out for China’s overcapacity. This paper is for readers to understand China’s opportunity, threat, and effect through analyzing its maritime strategy, and regional economic integration with ASEAN economy diplomacy and trade progress.