本文主要欲了解「一帶一路」戰略之概念，「一帶一路」為中國領導人習近平於2013年提出的新中國外交戰略，然而由於「一帶一路」戰略之概念太過龐大，必須透過「一帶一路」框架下各區域之戰略，才能更了解「一帶一路」的總體狀況，因此本文選擇RCEP (Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership，區域全面經濟夥伴關係協定)作為了解「一帶一路」之通道，因為廣義來說RCEP可視為中國「一帶一路」戰略下的其中一環。 此外，本文的研究方法為文獻分析法，並以地緣經濟理論做為本文的研究途徑。在經濟全球化浪潮之下，國際關係已從以往國際政治權力取向之地緣政治，逐漸轉變成為追求自身國家經濟利益為主要任務之「地緣經濟」時代，一國的經濟水平將提升至國家安全戰略角度來思考，國家為保護本國的市場與投資利益，往往以地理位置出發與鄰近國家形成區域經濟集團，以追逐更多的經濟利。RCEP便是從地緣經濟的角度思考，為追求東北亞與東南亞國家的經濟合作與發展，由東盟十國為主導，中國大陸強力支持而形成之超級自由貿易區。因此，本文將以地緣經濟途徑作為了解RCEP協議之工具。 本文研究問題如下：(一)近期中國與RCEP其他成員國的勞動分工關係為何？ (二)如何以地緣經濟理論解釋中國與RCEP成員國的勞動分工關係？本文的研究結果如下：(一)近期中國與RCEP的其他成員國的勞動分工關係，本文認為中國對RCEP成員國的勞動分工關係呈現「動態性逐漸向資本技術密集型產業移動」的趨勢，而RCEP成員國對中國的勞動分工關係呈現「提供原材料與科技取向」的伙伴關係。 (二) RCEP的構建，是地緣經濟時代下的產物，從中國與RCEP成員國的勞動分工關係中，可以看出其中確實蘊含大量的地緣經濟理論之實踐，共有以下三點：一是中國與RCEP成員國呈現「互補性」的勞動分工關係，此互補性的關係，提供了RCEP成員國能組成區域經濟集團之基本也是必要之條件。二是為了尋求更高的經濟利益，中國對RCEP成員國的勞動分工關係從生產附加價值低的勞動密集型產業，轉移到生產附加價值高的資本技術密集型產業。三為中國與RCEP成員國的勞動分工關係中，可以看出彼此的合作中有競爭，競爭中有合作的局面。

現實主義和新現實主義都強調唯物主義、權力平衡和自身利益的重要性。由於現實主義的框架，大多數學者形容中俄兩國之間的關係多傾向於衝突對立。此篇質化研究的目的是從建構主義的角度研究中俄兩國在中亞國家間的關係，並找出兩國在中亞國家間的所扮演的角色認同和利益關係。 身份認同並不是一夜之間能創建的; 因此本研究會從蘇聯解體開始，至中亞近期的發展來分析身份認同的創建過程。 本質話研究是基於初級和次級研究來做分析。除了分析學術文章和書籍外，本研究還將分析官方政府的報告，並依據不同主題來做分析。本研究將根據Alexander Wendt 在 “Social Theory of International Politics” （1999）一書中所建立的社會建構主義理論作為研究基礎。 根據Wendt的文章中設定集體認同和集體利益是過程中的因變量。 集體認同的出發點是對待另一方的利社會態度，且這取決於相似的社會的類型和角色認同的相似之處。中俄兩國在上述身份方面有很多相似之處。 在“一帶一路”倡議案例研究中，本文將分析兩國在這一項目中的利益糾葛。 根據Alexander Wendt的社會建構主義模型，本文將分析這兩個國家之間的相互影響，來判斷同質性、相互依存性、共同命運和自我約束這些自變量如何影響集體認同的產生。 / Majority of scholars describe Russia-China relations as prone to conflict due to realist framework. Realism and neo-realism both stress the importance of materialism, balance of power and self-interest. The aim of this qualitative study is to research Russia-China relations in Central Asia from a constructivist viewpoint. The purpose of this research is to find out, what kind of role identities and interest play in Russia China relations in Central Asia. Identities are not created overnight; this is why I find it necessary to analyse the identity creation process starting from the collapse of the Soviet Union and ending with the most current developments in Central Asia. This qualitative research is based on primary and secondary materials. Besides scholarly articles and books, I will also analyse official government reports and studies written on the subject matter. I will research the data based on the theory of social constructivism created by Alexander Wendt in the book “Social Theory of International Politics” (1999). According to Wendt collective identities and interests are dependant variables in the process. The starting point for collective identity is prosocial attitude towards the other, which is determined by the similarities in the corporate, type and role identities. In Russia’s and China’s case both countries share a lot of similarities in the aforementioned identities. In the case study of One Belt One Road initiative and Eurasian Economic Union, I will I analyse both countries interests regarding the integration of these projects. Based on Alexander Wendt’s models of social constructivism, I will analyse how identities and interests influence the interaction between these two countries to determine the factors that promote or hinder the integration between One Belt One Road initiative and Eurasian Economic Union in Central Asia.

因應中國大陸新一輪改革與經濟轉型需要，同時反制美國華府在中東與中亞推動的「新絲路戰略」，中國大陸國家主席習近平於2013年提出「陸上絲綢之路經濟帶 」和「21世紀海上絲綢之路」(簡稱「一帶一路」)的重大倡議，為中國大陸首次提出的重大和全面完整的經濟發展核心戰略。對中國大陸而言，新加坡是經濟發展成功的範例，中新合作可以創造互補共贏的效果，同時新加坡也是未來「泛亞鐵路」與海上絲綢之路的交會點。新加坡亦秉持「一帶一路」的共商、共建、共用原則，積極與中國大陸合作，近年來兩國間的貿易總額不斷的攀升，同時也擴大在政治、教育、經貿、文化、科技等領域的密切聯繫，中國大陸更成為新加坡的主要進出口國。由於中國大陸試圖透過「一帶一路」戰略確保其國家能源，特別是原油，能安全從中東運送至本國，使其經濟軍事發展能安全無虞，因此本文即以新現實主義理論及權力平衡理論作為分析途徑。在「一帶一路」戰略的建設中以「亞洲基礎設施投資銀行」（AIIB）為平台擴大與沿線國家的對接效果，新加坡政府對於亞投行的成立抱持歡迎的態度，因為未來或許將可透過亞投行參與更大規模多國與區域性的城市打造專案。然而由於中國大陸與美國近年來於南海議題上的摩擦漸增，加上麻六甲海峽的戰略重要性和美國對這條運輸航道的影響力，中國大陸政府試圖與泰國政府合作開挖克拉運河及打造上海自由貿易區成為深水港，未來將可能影響新加坡本國經濟與國際地位重要性，因此中國大陸如今出於經濟轉型發展的需要推行「一帶一路」戰略，對新加坡來說或許是個契機也可謂是個挑戰。

習近平出身紅二代，不同於前幾代中國大陸領導人以傳統意識形態路線為施政主軸，習近平卻提出了訴諸情感的「中國夢」。 既稱之為夢，即有無限想像空間，難加以具體化。而「中國夢」的戰略觀構想，不僅為主導與型塑著習近平時代中共的對外政策、戰略規劃與全球佈局。當前，「中國夢」的內涵伴隨著情勢發展和現實需要不斷的擴充，不僅積極應處周邊關係，穩定亞太地區、妥善處理海權爭議、牽制美國亞太「再平衡」戰略，並向西推進「一帶一路」戰略。 「一帶一路」不僅是彰顯習近平中國特色的大國外交理念，也創新發展中國外交思想和國際戰略，使對外工作具有鮮明的中國特色、中國風格、中國氣派，更推進中國新一輪對外開放並與沿線國家合作共贏的外交方略。 因此，從習近平擘劃的「中國夢」藍圖下，透由「一帶一路」戰略構想，開創對外政經合作的新格局，將成為習近平「中國夢」的歷史定位。

2013年，習近平依序提出「一帶一路」（絲綢之路經濟帶、21世紀海上絲綢之路）的戰略構想，都與基礎建設密切相關，因此「鐵道」儼然成為重要且不可忽視的外交工具。 早在2010年中共十二五規劃中，已明確將「鐵道技術」也被列為七大新興產業中的「先進裝備製造」類別內，鐵道建設成為中共外交近年來，對周邊國家乃至對抗美國的新興外交工具，中共鐵道外交究竟是如何發展？如何走出去？怎麼走出去？背後的目的又是如何？ 本文使用地緣政治學來解釋中共的鐵道外交行為，本文的假設認為，地緣政治學仍是國際政治奉行的圭臬，透過鐵道外交的手段，符合國內經濟需求，也符合發展中國家對熱錢投資的渴望，不僅是單純的經濟行為，也難掩藏地緣政治的盤算。 中共為陸地強國，而鐵道外交正改變著傳統上海權國家的優勢，陸權的提升，勢必將弱化海權的優勢，中共鐵道外交的規劃看來，當前「海陸兼備，陸地先行」為中共的戰略中心思想，以圖陸權復興，不僅希望緩解近年來，受制於海權國家的困擾，陸權時代回歸成為可能。永不當頭轉向有所作為，從過去的制度遵循者轉換制度制定者，一手經濟牌、一手政治牌兩手夾擊，中共最終目的在於成為世界性的強權。

一帶一路倡議是中國第五代領導人的政策之一，應該被視為整體戰略的一部分。為了評估一帶一路倡議的實際目的與風險，研究中國地緣政治與社會經濟局勢、前幾代中國領導人的政策（如西部大開發）、現任第五代領導人的政策（如中國夢與四個全面）。雖然並非與其它相關的分析相互排斥，結論指出一帶一路與第五代領導人其它政策具有協同效應、同時面對相對的急迫性，是中國第五代領導人經濟改革、輸出國營企業生產能力過剩、減輕資產泡沫破裂風險的工具之一。 / The Belt and Road Initiative is one corner of the Chinese fifth-generation leadership’s policymaking under the Xi Jinping administration, and should be understood as part of a cohesive whole. This study assesses the BRI, its actual goals, and its risks when analyzed alongside China’s geostrategic and socioeconomic positions, similar policies from previous generations of Chinese leadership such as the Western Development Strategy, and existing concurrent policies from the fifth-generation Chinese leadership such as the Chinese Dream and the Four Comprehensives. While not mutually exclusive with other explanations proposed for the BRI, this study suggests that due to its synergy with existing policies and its exceptional urgency, the fifth-generation leadership primarily uses the BRI as one tool amongst many to accommodate its economic reform, to export the production overcapacity of state-owned enterprises, and to mitigate any risks of an asset bubble collapse.

一帶一路倡議是中國最近的經濟發展策略，其目的是透過基礎設施發展和貿易，將中國與歐亞大陸的其他國家連結在一起。儘管並非單純為了能源所規劃的策略，但是倡議的組成部分對中國提供日增的能源需求扮演了一個角色。 本論文透過與1990 年代末中國走出去策略之比較，在中國能源需求的大架構下，檢驗一帶一路倡議。為評估一帶一路倡議對中國能源安全的影響，本論文首先界定中國對能源安全的見解，然後分析一帶一路計畫如何應對中國對能源安全的關切。 本論文發現一帶一路倡議可視為走出去策略的後續策略。此外，本論文也發現中國主要是透過供應的角度來觀察能源的安全，且一帶一路計畫（如，石油和天然氣管道的構築）確保了能源運輸的可靠性。 / The Belt and Road Initiative is China’s latest economic development strategy, which seeks to connect China to the rest of Eurasia through infrastructure development and trade. While not a dedicated energy strategy, components of the initiative will play a role in meeting China’s growing energy needs. This paper examines the Belt and Road Initiative in the greater context of China’s energy policy by comparing it to China’s “going-out” strategy of the late 1990s. It assesses the impact that Belt and Road projects will have on China’s energy security by first defining how China views its energy security and then analyzing how Belt and Road projects address China’s energy security concerns. This paper finds that the Belt and Road Initiative can be considered a successor to the“going-out” strategy. It also finds that China views energy security primarily through the lens of supply, and that Belt and Road projects such as port and pipeline construction contribute by ensuring reliability of transport.

以絲綢之路作為文明接觸的和平場域為概念，探討中國正在推動「一帶一路」─以連結中歐為終極目標的道路、基礎設施、投資、政策互聯及人民交流網路─的全新重大外交體系。針對當前國際地緣政治的環境，中歐領導人近期確實強調了布魯塞爾與北京關係的重要性。儘管如此，很多中歐關係的專家也指出這種夥伴關係，還沒有達到雙方所預期的那樣快速及深刻。 本文的第一個研究問題「進一步發展中歐關係的障礙是什麼，以及如何克服這些障礙？」，便是基於對此國際情勢的考量。透過建構主義理論，本文對深化中歐關係的真正障礙進行討論，認為這些障礙來自於中歐人民身份、價值觀與文化的差異，並提出促進中歐人民之間的文化交流來加強中歐關係的可行方案。因此，本文提出第二個研究問題，「一帶一路在中歐文化關係中扮演什麼角色？」，對前項結論接續探討，發現由於一帶一路為中歐雙方提供了文化專案及人際交流合作的動機和框架，因此這一政策對中歐關係具有正面影響的潛質。 本文的最後兩個研究問題「一帶一路將帶給歐洲怎樣的風險與利益？」與「歐盟應如何應對一帶一路？」是相互關聯的。通過對一帶一路將帶來的風險與利益的分析，筆者對中歐雙方如何更有效地推進一帶一路提出了一些政策建議，其中重點分析了歐盟領導人如何與中方開展合作，並認為歐盟必須回應中國的倡議，與之合作，確保中歐雙方實現共贏、對國際規範的遵守、以及幫助中國保持一帶一路所經之地的穩定。 / By recalling the idea of the Silk Road as a place of peaceful encounter of civilizations, China is promoting its new, major diplomatic outreach system called the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), a network of roads, infrastructures, investments, policy connections and people to people exchanges with the final objective of connecting the PRC to Europe. Indeed, in view of the current international geopolitical circumstances, the Chinese and European leaders are recently emphasizing the importance of the Brussels-Beijing relationships. Nonetheless, many experts complain that this partnership has not yet developed as fast and deeply as the two sides originally hoped. This leads to the first research question addressed in the thesis:"which are the obstacles to a deeper EU-China partnership and how to overcome them and improve the overall relations?". By borrowing the constructivist theories, this thesis argues that the real obstacle to deepening the China-EU partnership are the differences in identities, values and culture, and that the improvement of the people to people and cultural interactions will enhance the general bilateral relations. Consequently, the second research question is "which role does BRI play in the China-EU cultural relations?". BRI has the potential to have a positive impact on their relations by providing a new framework and incentives for the collaboration on cultural projects and people to people interactions. The last two research questions are related to each other: "what are the risks and benefits that BRI will bring to the EU?" and "how should the European Union respond to BRI?". By analyzing the risks and benefits that will derive from the implementation of BRI, the author provides some policy suggestions to both sides on how to efficiently implement BRI, and especially to EU leaders on how to cooperate with their Chinese counterparts: the EU should definitely cooperate in the Chinese initiative, to ensure a win-win outcome for all, to guarantee the respect of the international norms and to help the PRC maintain the stability in the areas crossed by the BRI network.

隨著中共經濟蓬勃發展，對石油需求急遽增加，迄2014年底石油對外依存度已超過60%，石油已成為制約中共發展的重要因素；如何在經濟發展中維持穩定的石油供應來源、提高石油使用效率、優化能源結構及強化石油戰略儲備，均為中共石油戰略規劃的重要考量。其中，中共石油戰略係以「走出去」為核心戰略規劃，並透過發展政治、外交、軍事及經濟等外交，推動與國際政經情勢密不可分的油氣合作，積極開發多元化管道油源、分散對外石油運輸管道，以保障石油供應安全；此舉不但牽動國際強權石油競合關係，更進一步重組全球油氣結構；另一方面，中共石油外交作為衝擊美、日等強權在產油國之利益。此外，各油產國如中東、非洲及中亞地區，各自因內部政經、族群及宗教等情勢動盪，對中共石油外交作為形成諸多挑戰；故此，本論文係從中共地緣戰略考量為出發點，探討中共面臨詭譎多變的國際情勢下，如何在中東、非洲、中亞等油產區推動油氣合作及外交，並兼論與俄羅斯的油氣合作關係；而近年來中共發展「一帶一路」戰略規劃，加速周邊油氣外交，並將發展重心轉移至歐亞地區，在東亞地區形成中國與俄羅斯及美、日兩大勢力抗衡，亦改變了國際石油版圖。 / Along with China’s rapid growth of economic development, its demand for oil has dramatically risen up. As of 2014, China’s oil import dependency ratio has exceeded 60%, indicating oil has already become a critical ingredient in China’s development. How to maintain stable oil supply, increase the efficiency of oil consumption, improve the energy structure, and enhance the oil strategic reserve are among China’s key considerations on oil strategic planning. China’s oil strategy centers on “going globally,” pushing forward the oil-gas cooperation overseas by developing political, diplomatic, military and economic relationships. To safeguard the security of its oil supply, China has proactively exploited multiple oil resources and constructed various oil transportation channels. China’s behavior not only poses impact on the competition and collaboration among powerful nations but also reshapes the global oil-gas structure; on the other hand, China’s “oil diplomacy” has also threatened the interests among great powers, such as the United States and Japan in oil producing areas. Furthermore, the domestic political, economic, ethnic and religious turmoil in oil producing areas, such as the Middle-East, Africa and Central Asia, also poses tremendous challenges to China’s oil diplomatic strategy. Therefore, with China’s geographic strategy in mind, the thesis investigates how China promotes oil-gas diplomacy and cooperation with those oil producing countries under such a capricious international environment. In addition, the thesis also probes into the Sino-Russia oil collaboration relation. In recent years, China has developed “One Belt and One Road” strategy, which expedites peripheral oil-gas diplomacy and switches its emphasis to Eurasia area. In East Asia, China and Russia’s oil cooperation has formed a new camp, which takes on the U.S. and Japan’s collaboration and also changes the distribution of the global energy power.

新疆塔吉克族的婚禮，目前已是聯合國非物質文化遺產之一。塔吉克族的婚禮方式傳統特殊，有其特定的結婚季節，是塔吉克人引以為傲的慶典。隨著中國大陸「一帶一路」的全球經濟發展策略，塔吉克族的故鄉塔什庫爾干，因為位於一帶一路通往中亞與南亞的重要樞紐上，成為了經濟特區，帶動經濟飛快地發展，卻也造成維護傳統文化上的巨大衝擊。許多塔吉克族的傳統房屋被迫拆除，新建地現代樓房因為室內空間改變，而影響了塔吉克族的婚禮儀式。此外，隨著現代化的影響，許多傳統的禮俗慢慢地流失，塔吉克族特有的樂器鷹笛和羊皮鼓，已漸漸地被電子琴所取代。而騎馬迎娶新娘的儀式，也大多被汽車所取代。因此，此創作計畫透過三個多月的紀錄，將塔吉克婚禮的過程紀實攝影，最終展覽以攝影敘事的方式，結合動態影像與塔吉克鷹舞的互動體驗，以及問卷回饋的形式，反映社會大眾對於不同文化變遷的意見，也希望能特過此創作，對於塔吉克族文化的變遷與流失，做最後的紀錄與保存。 / The Xinjiang Tajik wedding is one of the United Nations Intangible Cultural Heritage. The Tajik wedding is particular, traditional which is only hold in wedding season. The Tajik is proud of their wedding ceremony. Via the One Belt One Road global economic strategy in mainland China, which leads to the dramatically change in Tashkurgan, the hometown of the Tajik. The location of Tashkurgan is in the hub of Central Asia and South Asia. The perfect location make Tashkurgan become the Fourth Special Economic Zone in China. Being the Special Economic Zone brought to the increasing developing, on the other hand, which harmed to the cultural maintenance as well. Most of the traditional Tajik houses were demolished. The China government built the modern house to replace the original tradition one. The change of the house which also changed the indoor space leading to the change to the Tajik wedding ceremony. Otherwise, the modern life also make many customs vanished. Instead of playing the Eagle-flute and Lamb-drum, some wedding were playing the keyboard . The custom about horse-riding to escort the bride was substituted by the car. Thus, this project has recorded the Tajik for three months. The process of the Tajik wedding was recorded with photography documentary. The exhibition that integrated Photography Narrative and dynamic phantom. In the exhibition, with the questionnaire and interaction in Eagle dance, which reflected the audience feedback to the other culture change. Furthermore, I hope that I could make a contribution to preserve images about the culture change for Tajik via this project.