No description available.

現實主義和新現實主義都強調唯物主義、權力平衡和自身利益的重要性。由於現實主義的框架，大多數學者形容中俄兩國之間的關係多傾向於衝突對立。此篇質化研究的目的是從建構主義的角度研究中俄兩國在中亞國家間的關係，並找出兩國在中亞國家間的所扮演的角色認同和利益關係。 身份認同並不是一夜之間能創建的; 因此本研究會從蘇聯解體開始，至中亞近期的發展來分析身份認同的創建過程。 本質話研究是基於初級和次級研究來做分析。除了分析學術文章和書籍外，本研究還將分析官方政府的報告，並依據不同主題來做分析。本研究將根據Alexander Wendt 在 “Social Theory of International Politics” （1999）一書中所建立的社會建構主義理論作為研究基礎。 根據Wendt的文章中設定集體認同和集體利益是過程中的因變量。 集體認同的出發點是對待另一方的利社會態度，且這取決於相似的社會的類型和角色認同的相似之處。中俄兩國在上述身份方面有很多相似之處。 在“一帶一路”倡議案例研究中，本文將分析兩國在這一項目中的利益糾葛。 根據Alexander Wendt的社會建構主義模型，本文將分析這兩個國家之間的相互影響，來判斷同質性、相互依存性、共同命運和自我約束這些自變量如何影響集體認同的產生。 / Majority of scholars describe Russia-China relations as prone to conflict due to realist framework. Realism and neo-realism both stress the importance of materialism, balance of power and self-interest. The aim of this qualitative study is to research Russia-China relations in Central Asia from a constructivist viewpoint. The purpose of this research is to find out, what kind of role identities and interest play in Russia China relations in Central Asia. Identities are not created overnight; this is why I find it necessary to analyse the identity creation process starting from the collapse of the Soviet Union and ending with the most current developments in Central Asia. This qualitative research is based on primary and secondary materials. Besides scholarly articles and books, I will also analyse official government reports and studies written on the subject matter. I will research the data based on the theory of social constructivism created by Alexander Wendt in the book “Social Theory of International Politics” (1999). According to Wendt collective identities and interests are dependant variables in the process. The starting point for collective identity is prosocial attitude towards the other, which is determined by the similarities in the corporate, type and role identities. In Russia’s and China’s case both countries share a lot of similarities in the aforementioned identities. In the case study of One Belt One Road initiative and Eurasian Economic Union, I will I analyse both countries interests regarding the integration of these projects. Based on Alexander Wendt’s models of social constructivism, I will analyse how identities and interests influence the interaction between these two countries to determine the factors that promote or hinder the integration between One Belt One Road initiative and Eurasian Economic Union in Central Asia.

本論文旨在探討十六世紀末，俄人越烏拉爾山向東擴展，以至與中國締結尼布楚條約 演變情形。全文除前言、結侖外，分五章十一節，計八萬餘言。 第一章：旨在說明俄羅斯沙皇政權東進運動的背景。 第二章：旨在說明俄人在西伯利亞的擴展活動。 第三章：旨在循俄人東進之程，軍事、外交雙管道下，與中國在黑龍江、北京所發生 的衝突。 第四章：旨在由邊境逃人事件，進而俄使來華，揭開雙方之立場。 第五章：旨在說明中俄皆欲從速解決雙方既存邊境問題之原因、經過與結果。

本文旨在透過對外交檔案的整理及文獻之評析，探討1911年至1912年，以辛亥革命事件為核心，前後期間的中俄兩國關係。1911年十月十日在湖北武昌所爆發的新軍起事，以及其後的一系列局勢變化，最終造成了大清帝國的崩潰，與中華民國的成立，是二十世紀東亞史上的重要事件。俄羅斯帝國與大清帝國及其後的中華民國有著綿長的陸緣國界，兩國的政治、經濟、外交、與軍事互動也對十九世紀中葉後的當代中國有著深遠且持續的影響。研究方式主要利用中國、俄國兩國當時之外交文獻架構兩國關係之經緯，佐證關係第三國，如日本與英國之外交文獻以建立較多面向之觀點。 本文將所欲探討之兩國辛亥革命期間關係問題依照其性質分為幾個面向，其一是依照發生時間、二是依照所涉入之政治實體、最後則是依照兩國利害互動之場域，以簡單整理討論之體系次序。 / This thesis aims to sort through government diplomatic archives and historical literature, to analyze and discuss Sino-Russo relation centering the Hsin-hai Revolution period, from 1911 to 1912. The reformed army uprise that occurred in Wu-Chang, Hu-Pei on October, 10, 1911 and the following series of event it triggered eventually caused the collapse of the Ching dynasty and the establishment of the Republic of China, making it an important event in 20th century East Asia history. Between the Russia Empire and the Ching Empire, along with the Republic of China, share a well extended border on land. The political, economic, diplomatic and military interaction between the two nations also has profound and lasting influence toward the becoming of modern China from the later part of the 19th century forward. The research was mainly done by organizing through diplomatic archives and memoir at the time to outline the framework of the two nations’ relationship, adding in documents from interest related nations such as Japan and the United Kingdoms to construct a more multi dimension perspective. This thesis separates the study of Sino-Russo relation events during the Hsin-Hai revolution period into several different dimensions. The first is the time the event takes place, the second is by the political entity involved in the event, and the third is the area of interest or conflict of the indicated event, to make out a basic order of discussion.

「中國和平崛起」這個名詞於2003年的博鰲論壇上第一次被公開提出，引起全球熱烈討論。姑且不論中國的和平崛起本質上是否真為「和平」，本文中心意旨在討論中國崛起後，它最大也是最親密的鄰國－俄羅斯將如何看待這個亦敵亦友的大國在經濟、軍事等各方面的巨大轉變。而本文作者認為，看來正朝向親密戰略合作夥伴關係前進的中俄兩國間，其中仍存有許多可能阻礙其發展的重要因素。 / The term "China's peaceful rise" was first introduced at the 2003 annual session of the Boao Forum for Asia (BFA) and has become a hot topic drawing international attention. This thesis focuses on the changing relationship between Russia and China, especially in the period after the collapse of USSR. The new Russia and China have built their strategic partnership on diplomatic, military, and economic aspects during the period of China’s rise. During this period both countries also faced a transforming climate in their societies, with a different ideological environment, different forms of inner-party life and a different “style of work” being formed and changed rapidly at every decision-making moment. In the history of Sino-Soviet relations we can easily see that Mao Zedong won control of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and lead it to victory by repeatedly defying Stalin’s advice, which also contributed to the formation of a Chinese Communist leadership that is highly conscious of those differences. Since the beginning of the new Russia, the so-called “peaceful rise of China” theory as a matter of course has been highly doubted. This thesis shows that many of the factors currently improving Sino-Russian relations are unlikely to sustain the current positive relationship and instead are likely to cause a divergence in their relationship, which is understood by looking at hidden factors from apparent clues that might cause a divergence between the two countries in the near future. Keywords: China, Russia, International Relations, Sino-Soviet Relations, “China’s peaceful Rise”

孔子學院是中國軟實力政策的展現。它創設的是目的為了向世界推廣中國文化與漢語，增進世界各國對中國的瞭解，目前全球已設有443所孔子學院與648間孔子課堂。 俄羅斯是中國最友好的朋友之一，也是重要的政治、經濟、戰略夥伴。因為兩國的關係不斷地發展，俄羅斯人對漢語的興趣也越來越高。為滿足俄羅斯人的需要，中國遂把在俄羅斯設立孔子學院列為積極推動的項目。俄羅斯目前已經有18所孔子學院與5間孔子課堂。 本論文的題目是『孔子學院在莫斯科：國家的形象與在地認知』，旨在瞭解在俄羅斯漢語教師與學生對孔子學院的觀感為何。 本論文所採用用的研究方法為面對面訪問跟次級資料分析。 分析的結果顯示，大部分受訪者持正面的看法，並對孔子學院給予高度評價，以及認為孔子學院對中俄關係的發展產生很重要的作用。雖然有一些人認為，孔子學院是中國政府情報機關的部分，但是總的印象是正面的。中國在俄羅斯成功地建立其自身的良好形象，而孔子學院是它以達到其目的使用的工具之一。 / Abstract Confucius Institute (CI) is one of China's soft power policy initiatives. It aims to promote Chinese language and culture all over the globe, enhance the world's understanding of China. Today there are already 443 Confucius Institutes and 648 Confucius Classrooms in the world. Russia is one China’s closest friends and allies, as well as its important political, economic and strategic partner. Due to the continuous development of the bilateral relations, Russian people are more and more interested in Chinese language. To meet their need in studying Mandarin, China is actively promoting the establishment of the Confucius Institute there. Now there are already 18 Confucius Institutes and 5 Confucius Classroom 5 in Russia. The name of this thesis is: "Confucius Institutes in Moscow: national image and local perception." It aims at understanding what kind of attitude Russians, who teach or study Chinese either at the CI or somewhere else, have towards the Confucius Institute. Besides, it was also important to understand whether Sino-Russian relations play a crucial role in shaping people’s attitude towards the CI. Throughout the research the author used primary data sources (field work, interviews), as well as secondary data sources. Field research was conducted only in Moscow, the rest of the information about the development of the CIs in Russia is observed through the secondary data sources (reports, newspapers, journals). Results of the analysis indicate that the majority of Russian people, on the example of Moscow, have favorable attitude towards the Confucius Institute. Although in general there are also those who are skeptical about this initiative in Russia, stating that China is using the CIs as a part of its intelligence network, but the overall impression is positive. The PRC managed to create a favorable image of itself in Russia, and the Confucius Institute is one of the tools it uses in order to reach its aim.

近年來，經濟全球化不僅加深了國家間的經濟關係，而且也推進國家間的文化交流。研究軟實力與文化外交的議題成為國際關係的重點。文化外交在中國對外政策的地位也提升，文化外交戰略必將成為中國整體外交戰略的有機組成部份。因此中國開始實現中國文化「走出去」的工作，在國外舉辦「中國年」、「漢語年」、「旅遊年」，成立孔子學院。中國設立孔子學院和進行各種各樣的活動為了傳播漢語和中華文化。 目前學者關於中國對俄羅斯文化外交的研究較少著墨。因此，本論文試圖從文化外交角度來分析當代中國與俄羅斯關係，本研究目的在於瞭解中國文化外交內涵、目標與發展狀況，論文首先探討；其次探討中國對俄國的文化外交之具體實踐，包括政府層面交流和教育層面交往。最後研究中國文化外交在俄羅斯的成效以及中俄關係存在的問題。 研究發現雖然中國文化外交政策在俄羅斯有成效，但是中俄關係有還沒解決的問題：中國「威脅」、「擴張」的論調在俄羅斯仍然很有市場，中俄兩國之間深層互信還是不夠，而經貿合作水平遠低於兩國政治關係的高度。