本文從中日雙方能源安全環境出發，首先探討中共能源外交戰略的背景因素和佈局策略，接著從日本因素介入入中共實行戰略的過程，觀察日本所造成的影響，最後再以中共對於日本的政策回應探討雙方這一連串的互動過程，其所蘊藏的意涵為何，並探討雙方解決能源問題的思維與方式之可能形式。 1993年中國大陸由石油淨出口國轉為石油淨進口國起，原油進口依存度逐年快速增長，中共官方因此必須向外尋找更加穩定及更多樣化的供應管道，以因應國內經濟發展需要。故為了維護本身的資源安全，「能源外交戰略」於90年代中期開始迅速實施，這包含了對內的能源戰略以及對外的資源外交、軍事合作等兩方面行動。 日本長期為世界第二大石油消費國（在2004年才被中國大陸超越），和中國大陸一樣對於海外時有著高度的依賴，甚至猶有過之(日本國內生產石油僅能供應總需求量0.2%)，並且因為其經濟實力所支撐的外交能力和軍事能力，是中國大陸在亞洲當中經濟實力最強大的競爭對手，因此日本對於中共在亞洲區域內能源外交的成敗影響能力，自然也就遠超過其他鄰國。於是日本基於能源地緣政治考量，在陸上管線和東海油氣田兩方面著手介入了中共能源外交戰略，造成了兩者的相互競爭，而中共用阻止日本「入常」和派遣艦隊巡邏和潛艇偵察的政策回應，對中日雙方帶來的是更進一步的矛盾。 雙方在1970年代曾有過短暫的石油合作先例，但在目前的權力結構以及難以克服的歷史恩怨等兩大難題影響下，雙方的競爭面大於合作面，這將不利於區域的和平穩定並反而增加整個區域維護能源安全成本的上升，故唯有雙方跳脫出成見，才能冷靜的共同解決能源問題，如此才符合區域整體利益。

能源問題是當今世界經濟發展中最引人關注的一個重大問題，能源問題的核心是解決能源供求穩定和安全問題，如何保障一個國家的能源安全是今后長時期內各國能源外交工作的重點。在全球化過程中，各國的能源安全問題仍將是一個相互依存、相互促進的體系，沒有一個國家能夠脫離其他國家和地區的能源安全而保証自身的安全，加強雙邊和多邊的能源對話與合作將是開展能源外交的重要議題。俄羅斯是世界能源大國，它的能源戰略對未來國際能源安全和中俄能源合作將具有重要影響。 俄羅斯作為世界能源大國，在國際能源領域具有獨特地位。它使俄羅斯在諸多國際問題上擁有了更多的發言權，特別是在后蘇聯空間和東北亞地區。同時，地緣政治問題是各國的政治和經濟實力生存和發展空間的問題。能源地緣政治的核心問題是各國掌控政治經濟發展所需要的能源資源的能力。世界各國競相發展經濟，各國加強對能源的爭奪，世界能源價格上漲，世界能源市場格局的變動，這些因素極大地提高了俄羅斯的能源國際影響力，促進了俄羅斯經濟增長的能源化趨向。中俄近年來政治關系穩固發展，加之地理位置相鄰，資源互補，按理說雙方的能源合作應卓有成效，但現實表明，雙方進展緩慢，結果不能讓人滿意。本文就是從中國近年來的能源安全局勢、俄羅斯的能源外交、整個東北亞的能源需求困境及近年來世界能源局勢的發展等中俄能源合作的背景因素出發，論述了中俄能源合作的現狀與動力因素接著,即而深入分析了影響中俄能源合作的俄國內因素，外部影響因素以及中國自身的問題。 最后，基於對雙方能源合作的有利條件與不利條件的分析，論文從兩國戰 略關系的高度，雙方民間交往的基礎，兩國能能源外交及構建地區能源合作機制通的可能性等因素出發，初步提出中國為中俄能源合作而採取的對策思路。 筆者認為隻有克服雙邊合作的不利因素，發揮雙方的有利條件，兩國的能源合作就定能邁向一個新的台階。 關鍵詞 : 能源外交, 俄羅斯能源戰略, 俄中能源合作, 能源安全. / Since 1993, China has become an importer of oil; the oil consumption has been growing.At the same time, China couldn’t increase the oil production, as the result, the lack of oil supplying has continuously increased. If we analyze from the point of international resource consumption, China comes to be the key country between those, who will struggle for the energy resources in the future. Since 1993, energy factor has been implemented to the consideration in the Chinese diplomacy. China has started to pay more and more attention to the energy factor while dealing with its international affairs. In 21 century, the oil price has been increasingly rising, that has become a serious danger for Chinese economy. The sudden lack of energy resources will be the great threat for fast developing Chinese economy. Also, been increasing its military power, China needs to create strategic oil stocks in order to move effectively its military forces. If we consider from strategic point of view, China is in the center of Asia, with Pacific Ocean on its East Coast, bordering with Pakistan on the South, China has very favorable geographical strategic advantages. China needs to use its strategic position for early planning strategy in its “non-blood war” for oil resources. Otherwise, China will face containment from the other countries. The purpose of this study is thus to investigate the following issues based upon the date for the influence of energy factor on Chinese foreign policy and intentions during the period of 1993-2003: 1.Understanding the trends for the future growth of energy demand in China. 2.Investigating what kind of measures can be applying by Chinese government in the face of these trends. 3. Figuring out how big the role of energy factor in the Chinese foreign policy implementation. Keywords: Chinese foreign policy, oil, energy security.

本研究先以世界能源的發展歷程為座標，再將中國大陸的能源發展歷程放進這個框架，藉以解釋其演變的情形，並歸納中共當前的能源戰略，且進一步探討其對外交的影響。 首先，使用文獻分析法敘述人類利用能源資源的歷史，藉以瞭解世界能源的替代過程。其次，回顧近代以來，以石油為主的世界能源發展歷程，也就是從石油三巨頭主導的墨西哥灣時代、石油七姊妹壟斷的波斯灣時代、石油輸出國組織（OPEC）與國際能源總署（IEA）對抗的時代，以及現今的三大油氣供需區的形成，從中總結出能源發展與國際政治之間的歷史經驗。最後，就石油、天然氣、煤炭及鈾礦等當前世界主要的能源，介紹其分佈的情況及特徵，以及世界主要國家因此相應而生的能源戰略。 其次，以世界能源的發展歷程為背景，觀察中共自1949年建立政權以來，毛澤東、鄧小平、江澤民及胡錦濤等四代領導人，在各自面對不同的國內外能源形勢時，其能源發展政策所具有的戰略內涵為何。並且進一步比較各時期的能源發展政策，藉以瞭解造成中共能源戰略轉變的主要因素。接著透過對近幾年相關能源文獻的分析，歸納出中共當前能源戰略的面貌。並依戰略的形式，分析中共能源戰略的目標，及其達成目標的方法。 最後，以目前中共對國外能源的需求來源做為觀察的脈絡。將中共的國際能源外交版圖，放進由主要國家所構築的國際政治版圖中，以探討中共的能源戰略對其外交工作所產生的影響，並就中共能源外交戰略的趨向進行分析並提出看法。

自1993年起，中國從石油淨出口國成為石油淨進口國，1996年成為原油淨進口國，2003年中國超過日本成為世界第二大石油消費國，目前中國是世界第三大石油進口國。中國對於石油這項戰略物資具有高度敏感性，繼1993年撤銷能源部後，於2008年成立國家能源局由國家發展和改革委員會管理，足見中國對於能源事務的再度重視。隨著世界經濟實力與軍事勢力的變化，新的世界能源地緣政治正在逐漸形成。美國感受到中國因經濟發展帶動對石油的龐大需求後，在美國國內出現「中國石油威脅論」的說法，認為以中國的經濟發展程度而言，其石油需求量在將來可能跟一個美國一樣或是超越美國所需的量，而目前世界石油儲量及開採速度已不能承受另一個美國的出現。中國的石油安全戰略不只與中國國內事務相關，更與國際間各個石油生產國、進口國有莫大的關係。其中，因為美國早已在世界擁有許多油田並與世界主要產油國建設良好關係等因素，以美國為中心的世界形勢對中國積極推行的石油外交不利，可能成為中國「走出去」戰略的阻礙。本論文將對中國的石油安全戰略的落實問題進行檢驗，觀察中國與各國在石油方面的探勘、投資及技術合作等，其中以美國的參與作為主要研究重點，檢視中美在石油領域的競爭行為是否影響中國國家利益，並評估兩國在獲取石油或尋找替代能源上的合作可能性。

從1986年起，因為經濟大幅成長，中國的石油需求也隨之增加，但是中國國內的石油生產卻開始下降。進入後冷戰時期，中國的石油供給更已無法自給自足，成為仰賴石油進口的國家。透過傳統現實主義理論對石油安全進行討論，我們可以得知，石油不僅僅牽涉到經濟的發展，也牽涉到國力的強弱與否。因此，石油對於一個國家在國際政治的地位或是經濟發展上都扮演了十分重要的角色，中國也因而必須考量石油對於國家安全的影響。本研究即自地緣政治觀點，分析中國石油能源與國家安全。 中國目前建構的石油安全體系，是以國內的石油化學產業的改革為基礎，以石油化學產業為工具，建構取得油源的石油外交體系，同時積極分散油源。由中國所規劃的中南半島輸油路線，中巴、中孟輸油路線，以及已經開始建設的中俄、中哈輸油路線都是以分散石油運輸路線為目標。運輸路線的規劃就是以地緣政治為出發點考量，透過與周邊國的關係建構石油運輸。 然而，儘管中國積極推動分散油源、油路的石油安全戰略，卻也牽涉到各強國在各地區的利益問題，以及各地區內部的政治、經濟、族群、宗教等問題。例如中東內部有以阿衝突、反美等問題，非洲的新興油源國、中亞各國內部都有因為宗教、政治導致的問題，而美、俄、日、印等大國與中國也在各地有所利益衝突，即使中國與俄羅斯有合作關係，卻也在中亞地區有利益競爭的關係。所以不僅中國與各強國之間有合作也有競爭外，也必須面對各個地區內部的各種問題。 / Since 1986, China’s demands for petroleum had increased extensively with the significant growth of economy, but the domestic production of petroleum decreased relatively. In the post-Cold War period, China was non-self-sufficient on supplying petroleum, and became a state which depending on importing petroleum thereout. By the discussion on the security of petroleum with the theory of traditional realism, we can conclude that the petroleum doesn’t only concern the development of economy but also concern the strength of nations. Therefore, we can see that petroleum plays an important role both on the status of international politics and the development of economy, and China must concern the influence of petroleum to national security thereof. Then, the proposal of this thesis is to analyse the relationship between supplies and demands of petroleum and the national security of China with the view of geo-politics. The petroleum security system of China was framed on the basis of the revolution of domestic petroleum chemical industry, so as to frame her petroleum diplomacy system to acquire the petroleum, and decentralize the sources of petroleum meanwhile. The oil pipeline ways set up by China was formulated according to the goal of decentralizing the pipeline of petroleum, such as Medium South Peninsula pipeline, China-Pakistan pipeline, China-Bengal pipeline, China-Russia pipeline, and the China- Kazakhstan pipeline. Therefore, we can conclude that China set up its oil pipeline by establishimg the relations with surrounding nations which concerning geo-politics. However, the strategies of petroleum security that decentralizing oil pipelines and petroleum sources was involved with the conflicts of interests among powerful nations in all areas, including the conflicts of politics, economy, race, and religion. For examples, there are conflicts between Israel and Palestine, and anti-American issue in Middle-East area. There are conflicts among the nations in middle Asia which caused by religion and politics. And there are conflicts of interests among USA, Russia, Japan, Indian and China all over the world. So does China conflict with Russia in middle Asia, even though there is a cooperative relation between them. In general, China does not only cooperate with other powerful nations but also contend against them. Furthermore, China has to face the conflicts and issues caused in every area when she promotes the strategy of petroleum security.

中國的崛起如同現實主義對於國家間衝突的解釋，亦即國際間對於中國威脅的廣泛論述，不論其威脅是否真實存在，其對國際間的影響已是不可否認的事實。1993年中國成為石油淨進口國，這是自1963年以來中國首次出現的石油赤字，宣示了中國石油供應自給自足局面的結束，也開啟了中國能源政策對外擴張的開始。 中國正由計劃經濟朝向其所謂的社會主義市場經濟轉型，對於在2050年達到中等發達國家水平的目標而言，現階段的發展將是一個重要的轉折。中國的經濟發展計畫，預約了對於石油的消費，其能源消費結構的錯置與供應來源的單一性以及潛在的脆弱性，對於中國的能源安全來說無疑是一個潛在的負面因素。尤其是當增加石油進口成為解決中國能源安全矛盾的必要路徑時，對外的能源政策將是確保中國能源安全是否穩定的關鍵點。 國家為了能源的安全獲得確保，必然發展對內保護對外擴張的能源政策，尤其是仰類進口能源的國家，其對外的能源政策將更具侵略性。中國的能源安全戰略圍繞在多元化為中心的概念展開，包括能源的來源、種類、路線以及運輸與獲得方式的多元化。對內，中國透過多元管道強化本身的能源安全鏈，避免對於進口石油產生過度依賴。對外，中國領導階層積極的出訪，綜合外交的力量推展「能源外交」，全方位的在全球佈局，突破大國對中國軟性的圍堵，除了獲得實質的石油收益外，也開啟了中國外交的新趨向。 / China rises abruptly symbolizes the explanation of realism is on a collision between the countries. Meanwhile the world make a popular discussion about they were threatened by China. Whatever it exist or inexistence, but it definitely influence the whole world. Until 1993 China became the petroleum importer that caused first deficit in China since 1963. It announced to end in self-contained petroleum and commence opening the extensive of energy resources policy. The China is going to plan the economics that go forward and change into socialist marketing. For the 2050, they’ll expect to achieve the goal of middle-development country, and a turning point in the developing at this most important stage now. In their economics- development planning which bespeak the petrol expense is error of structures of resources expense, single-supply source and potential frailty. It was without doubt that potential negative factors for safety of energy resources of China. When they increase to import the petroleum, it becomes to solve the safety of energy resources was confusing with necessary method. An external policy of energy resources will ensure China to connect the safety of energy resources if it's stable. They need safety of energy resources was assured so that they must develop the policies are internal protection and external extension. Especially the country depend on the resources imported, the external policy will more invasion. The safe policies of resources are around the conception of diversity are origin, kinds, channels, transportation and so on. For domestic policies, China use the diverse channels to strong the energy in Security and avoid to over rely on the imported petroleum. For foreign policies, China leaderships are highly active to make an official visit and diplomatic power combined to promote the “Energy diplomacy”. They operated the overall strategy of global and broke through soft containment of super state to them. Therefore China not only gains much benefit of petroleum virtually but opens the new tending of diplomacy.

經濟是習近平發展「中國夢」不可或缺的重要支柱，中國在經濟高速發展下，能源消耗量持續激增，缺乏能源將對經濟與社會發展產生負面影響，對外依存度日益擴大，增加石油及天然氣進口，是解決中國能源短缺問題的主要方法。 就中國能源安全而言，外部面臨海外能源來源受周邊地緣政治影響，內部存在能源結構上過度依賴煤炭等問題，而鄰接中國的中亞地區為新興能源中心，與中亞的能源合作能夠減少能源輸入風險、改善能源結構，有助中國克服能源安全的窘境。中亞的豐富能源不僅受到周邊大國的覬覦，也使中亞國家內部生成尋租與貪腐、制度弱化、資金錯配、阻礙長期發展等資源詛咒現象。本論文透過觀察中國與中亞間雙邊貿易、直接投資與大型投資與合約的變化，從國際政治經濟學的視角，分析獲得中國正運用經濟資源在中亞發揮政治影響力，逐步實踐具體的能源戰略。中國藉地緣經濟進入中亞，掌握經濟互補的競爭優勢，以提供中亞國家發展所需資金與基礎建設，並排除區域發展障礙，增進彼此能源合作的機會，達成鞏固中國能源安全的戰略目的。 / A strong economy is the rock of XI Jingpi’s “Chinese Dream”; however, because of the dramatically increasing energy consumption with rapid economic growth, energy deficiency leads to negative economic and societal effects in China. Therefore, in light of aggravated overdependence on energy imports, the major solution for the shortage would be searching for more energy accesses, especially for oil and natural gas. China faces several energy security problems. For example, domestically, China heavily depends on coal as thermal resources. Externally, energy accesses significantly are affected by geopolitics. However, Central Asia, a new but major center of natural resources, not just a neighbor of China, but also a crucial partner in energy cooperation capable of reducing China’s risks of importing resources from other routes, changing Chinese energy structure at present, and finally helping China overcomes the problem of energy security. Abundant resources is not just a blessing making other countries jealous, resources also becomes a curse resulting from rent-seeking, corruption, financial dislocation, etc. in Central Asian countries, and these issues hinder the long-term development in the region. From the international political economy perspective, I observe the change of bilateral trade, foreign direct investment, and major investment contracts between China and Central Asian countries to analyze if China gradually practices its energy strategy through imposing political influence in Central Asia via economic leverages. I find that China encourages energy cooperation with Central Asian countries by taking the advantage of geography and financing investment of infrastructure which both creates a promising environment of development.

當二十一世紀時序進入全球化時代之後，在全球氣候變遷與石化燃料價格高漲的影響之下，世界各國為了保障本身經濟發展所需的能源，即在世界範圍內展開激烈的鬥爭，甚至因此而導致了嚴重衝突和戰爭。當今全球能源消費結構中，石化能源仍居主導地位，存量的有限與需求增長之間矛盾日益顯著，因此，能源短缺已成為國家經濟發展的巨大瓶頸，全球性的能源爭奪態勢愈演愈烈。隨著全球化時代的到來，大部分發展中國家(尤其是亞太地區)工業化和現代化的進程相對加速，面對世界能源的需求也不斷增加，中國大陸就是最典型的例子。 大陸的能源戰略和海外投資，通常都是一個足以為外界激烈辯論的主題(例如「中國能源威脅論」)。中國大陸緊鄰著中亞區域，蘊藏著豐富的石油和天然氣儲備量，在這個區域發揮高度的能源戰略，似乎是中國大陸最可能的重要手段，另一方面亦藉以減輕其對來自中東的能源供應的依賴，若能掌握該區，大陸就可以減少對中東油源供應的依賴，種種徵候都明確顯示大陸積極鞏固國土疆域與追求能源安全戰略的全般優勢。 / When the timing to enter the twenty-first century era of globalization, under the global climate change and the impact of rising fossil fuel prices, the international community in order to protect its own economic development needed energy that fierce struggle, and even lead to serious conflicts and wars . Today's global energy consumption structure, petrochemical and energy continued to hold a dominant position, the contradiction between the finite and the demand for stock grew increasingly significant, therefore, the energy shortage has become a huge bottleneck in socio-economic development, global energy muddied intensified. With the advent of the era of globalization, (especially in the Asia-Pacific region) industrialization and modernization process in most developing countries relative acceleration, facing the world's energy demands are increasing, China is the most typical example. China's overseas energy strategy and investments are usually sufficient for the outside world a hotly debated topic (such as "China energy threat"). China close to the Central Asian region, rich in oil and natural gas reserves in the region to play a highly energy strategy, China seems to be the most important means possible, on the other hand also so as to reduce its dependence on energy supplies from the Middle East , if we grasp this area, China can reduce its dependence on Middle East oil supply source, various incidents have clearly demonstrated China's active pursuit of the full consolidation of Land and territory advantages like energy security strategy.

本文要旨在回答中國大陸的能源戰略是如何形成，並探討此一戰略如何影響中國大陸的石油安全。本文主從歷史制度主義的觀點主張中國能源體制是決定中國的石油戰略最重要的因素。解釋中國的能源部門在經濟改革與國際化的內、外部環境下，產生制度變遷，進而形成不同時期的石油戰略。在回答中國大陸日益龐大的石油需求與進口石油依賴，使得政府制訂出提升能源使用效率、節約能源、能源多元化與確保海外石油供應 但由於中國為保護國有石油企業的壟斷角色，對於「迎進來」的市場進入條件設下許多條件限制，對外又採取積極的石油外交，使得國際社會對中國產生重商主義與保護主義的疑慮。 中國的能源部門自1980年以來已經歷幾個階段的改革，第一階段是從1982年至1987年，強調要計畫經濟為主、市場力量為輔的能源制度改革；第二階段是從1988至1992年，重點在於國有企業的改革，鼓勵國有企業集團化；第三階段是從1993至1997年，重點在政企分離，並把配置資源的基礎性職能轉移給市場；第四階段是從1998至2002年，重點在加強國有資產的監管與國有企業經營，並初步建立宏觀能源調控體系；第五階段則是自2003年以降，主要的改革目標在建立跨部門的能源協調機制與對外的競爭力。 本文但由於「漸進主義」式的制度變遷使得能源部門體制改革仍存在許多問題，諸如能源部門分散、能源監管部門眾多、國家安全思維與既得利益等，使得政府部門考量其能源安全時，政府干預仍多於市場思維，即便自改革開放以來國家能力已不斷衰退。但在能源辦與發改委能源局的人力有限以及能源部門缺乏效率的情形下，擁有龐大資源的三大國有石油企業（中石油、中石化、中海油）無疑「挾持」政府的決策，例如理論上中央政府可完全控制與審核國有企業的海外投資，但實際國有企業通常是在海外投案案定局後才通知發改委與國務院。中國的能源決策中的缺乏效率常來自於既得利益者的把持，而不願在整體的政治與經濟政策上肩負起更多的政策責任，例如中央政府與國企對於戰備儲油到底由誰出資的內部爭論。 未來中國的能源戰略會持續採取「迎進來、走出去」的方向；近年來政府試圖改革其能源決策程序，透過建立跨部會的決策協調機制試圖重奪能源決策的主導性，因此於2005年5月正式成立「能源領導小組」，並積極透入政府能源白皮書與能源相關法案的草擬，政府的舉動等於是將能源政策的制訂再度「中央化」。未來中國能源戰略的最大挑戰仍來自於能源體制能否深化改革，並且制訂出對外、對內策略一致的能源戰略，以因應中國未來的石油需求以及消減國際社會的疑慮。 / The new facet of global oil politics and China’s surging oil demand have forced the Chinese government and state-owned enterprises to secure foreign oil supplies and to implement energy efficiency. However, systemic level or state-centered theories have provided limited theoretic orientation to explain China’s state behaviors and foreign behavior. It is essential to explore China’s energy institution and energy strategy behind its quest for oil security. That is, China’s foreign strategy should be put into broader context of China’s institutional evolution and domestic/foreign energy policy-making process. This research applies historical institutionalism to look at history evolution of China’s energy institution and energy strategy (especially oil strategy). Chinese energy institution has experienced four main stages of institutional evolution since 1980s. The main themes of four stages have emphasized different administrative, institutional, and energy goals. Meanwhile, institutional critical junctures and feedbacks (formation and reproduction) also have existed in every stage. The first phrase (1980-1992) emphasized how to integrate market forces into China’s bureaucratic institution with socialist characteristics and the market oriented reforms faced several institutional challenges due to necessity of central planning; the second phrase (1993-1997) was characterized by slight and limited institutional restructuring within the energy sector because market force did not gain political support from the leadership. The Chinese government established both the State Energy Commission (SEC) (1980-82) and the Ministry of Energy (MOE) (1988-93) in the wake of acute energy shortages to re-centralize authority over the energy sector. However, neither institution could effectively coordinate and implement energy policy, partly because they could not overcome the vested interests in sectional industries. The third phrase (1998-2002) was characterized by radical institutional reforms on conglomerating SOEs and delimiting administrative power. The National Development and Reform Commission (NDRC) along with the Energy Bureau within it have taken over full governmental regulatory and public sector responsibility from SOEs. However, NDRC functions not as powerful as SOEs do. Therefore, the fourth phrase (2003 until now) then put attention on the establishment of a super-ministerial interagency, revivification of administrative power, and emphasis of foreign competitiveness. The establishment of State Energy Leading Group (SELG) aims at regaining strong central authority and to correcting turbulent oil strategies made on a base of institutional constraints. Above all, China’s institutional evolution is characteristic of state-regulated marketization, limited property right reforms, strategic preference, and departmentalism in China’s energy sector since 1980s. The institutional evolution has constrained China’s energy institution from planning a long-term national energy strategy. China’s energy sector continuously confirms institutional formation by the support of highest leadership and mainstream ideology, and confirms institutional reproduction between the directive and liberal forces, between the government and market forces. Meanwhile, international responses to China’s hunting behaviors are to play either a conductive role in impelling China’s institutional reforms and in adjusting its foreign behaviors. To prevent serious energy competition and to enhance international cooperation, China has shown its willingness to communicate with other nations on oil issues. However, China also needs to show its determination to implement domestic demand-side measures and a market approach instead of implementing protectionist “welcome-in” and aggressive “going out” policies. Ongoing institutional reforms still determines whether the China’s energy institution will ensure the country’s energy security. In the short term, the establishment of the central authority in the energy sector will improve departmental coordination and policy persistance. However, in the long term, China’s ongoing institional reforms need to integrate more market forces, proceed property right reforms, and reshape relationship between the government and market. Without deeper institutional reforms, energy bureaucrats and SOEs would be dragged into institutional process of formation and reproduction but gain limited results in meeting China’s oil security.

自1970年代開始，美國國防部為了因應長期軍事規劃不足之處，而發展出一套名為「淨評估」(Net Assessment)的分析技術，最初是針對當時的蘇聯以及華沙公約組織，以進行軍事能力的評估分析，然而，隨著歷史的演變，軍事作為主要保障國家安全的要素固然不變，但有更多的領域逐漸受到人們的重視，所以淨評估觀念發展至今，已大為擴張，舉凡科技、政治、經濟、社會、意識形態，甚至疾病等足以影響到整個國家興衰的因素，都應是淨評估分析的目標。1990年之後國際能源短缺問題甚為嚴重，許多衝突雖未以爭奪能源為名，但究其根本，仍是為了各國日益短缺的生存命脈，因此能源的競逐似乎已成未來國與國間最為激烈的導火線，而就台灣來說，對外能源的依賴度達到98%以上，在亞太局勢愈趨險峻、台海衝突一觸及發的當下，如何擬定一套能源戰略，實為迫在眉睫，本文便以淨評估的角度，對台灣能源戰略環境進行全面性的診斷與機會探索，試圖回答以下的問題：(一)目前台灣在能源戰略環境中所面臨之態勢；(二)在如是能源戰略環境下的演變趨勢與預測。 / Since the 1970s, in order to cope with the defective plan of military for a long time, US DOD develops one set of analytical technology － Net Assessment. At first, it used to the Former Soviet Union and WTO assessment analysis of carrying on military ability. Doubtless, an essential factor of the military affairs is the guarantee national security. However, more fields are paid attention to by people gradually. The concept of the Net Assessment, therefore, is society, ideology, even the diseases are enough to influence the rise and fall of the nation, there are all targets that the Net Assessment should analyze. The international energy shortage is a very serious problem after the 1990s. Although many conflicts between the countries are not fighting for the energy, to get bottom of an affair, for lifeblood in short day by day in each country. Therefore the energy competition seems to be the direct cause of the fight/ conflict between countries in future. As to Taiwan, Dependence on imported energy is up to 98%. At the moment the relationship in the Asia Pacific is more and more tense. Besides, the conflict of the Taiwan Straits can be happened any time. How to draft a set of energy strategy is an extremely urgent mission. The author used the Net Assessment point to write this article. Focus on comprehensive diagnosis and chance to explore to Taiwan energy's strategic environment; moreover, try to find out the following questions. First, the posture Taiwan faces in the energy strategy environment at present. Second, the trend of evolvement and prediction is under the energy strategy environment.