In China¡¦s view, it is necessary to get crude oil and oil pipeline. Under Russia and China strategic partnership, China tries to obtain ¡§long term promises¡¨ and ¡§Pipeline Corporation¡¨ from Russia in oil diplomacy. There are several findings in this article: 1. International oil prices are important to China¡¦s oil diplomacy with Russia. 2.China¡¦s oil diplomacy with Russia includes geop olitcs and diversification. 3. Due to economic development, China needs long term oil supply contract. Putin did not prove this contract. 4. Because of navel and air forces are not strong enough, China develops oil pipeline to protect oil security.

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In 2003, China surpassed Japan to become the world’s second largest oil consumer (behind the United States), and the third largest oil importer (behind the United States and Japan). China’s huge demand for oil and its dependence on oil imports have forced the Chinese government continuously to adopt the energy expansion strategy in order to secure the country’s oil supply. The energy supply and reserves in Southeast Asian region are not the critical core area to supply China’s energy demand, but it is located in the periphery of China where it controls the transportation link of the Strait of Malacca, directly to hold a strategic point of the sea lane of communication for transporting oil to China. Under this scenario, China is proactively to carry out its energy diplomacy with ASEAN’s nations and to ensure completely an overall strategic arrangement in Southeast Asia so as to assure China’s oil security. In this thesis, it is mainly to probe into the following questions: the inquiring into China’s oil security strategy? Why China and how to readjust its relations with the nations in Southeast Asia? What is the driving factor? After China has become the oil importer, China has to face what kinds of challenges in oil transportation security? What is its intention of resolution projection? In terms of geographic shares, about 60% of the China’s oil import comes from the Middle East, passing through the highly insecure the Strait of Malacca in Southeast Asia that has taken the advantages to influence China’s oil sea transportation routes. Those issues will lay stress on the key points of breaking through the “Malacca Dilemma,” meet the China’s oil demand, sustain economic development, even consolidate the legitimacy of the ruling Chinese Communist Party, and conform to the national interests. / In 2003, China surpassed Japan to become the world’s second largest oil consumer (behind the United States), and the third largest oil importer (behind the United States and Japan). China’s huge demand for oil and its dependence on oil imports have forced the Chinese government continuously to adopt the energy expansion strategy in order to secure the country’s oil supply. The energy supply and reserves in Southeast Asian region are not the critical core area to supply China’s energy demand, but it is located in the periphery of China where it controls the transportation link of the Strait of Malacca, directly to hold a strategic point of the sea lane of communication for transporting oil to China. Under this scenario, China is proactively to carry out its energy diplomacy with ASEAN’s nations and to ensure completely an overall strategic arrangement in Southeast Asia so as to assure China’s oil security. In this thesis, it is mainly to probe into the following questions: the inquiring into China’s oil security strategy? Why China and how to readjust its relations with the nations in Southeast Asia? What is the driving factor? After China has become the oil importer, China has to face what kinds of challenges in oil transportation security? What is its intention of resolution projection? In terms of geographic shares, about 60% of the China’s oil import comes from the Middle East, passing through the highly insecure the Strait of Malacca in Southeast Asia that has taken the advantages to influence China’s oil sea transportation routes. Those issues will lay stress on the key points of breaking through the “Malacca Dilemma,” meet the China’s oil demand, sustain economic development, even consolidate the legitimacy of the ruling Chinese Communist Party, and conform to the national interests.

中共石油安全對外依存度升高，並制約著中共經濟與綜合國力的發展。隨著中國經濟高速成長，石油需求缺口持續擴大，石油供需嚴重失衡，造成中國的不安全感。而中國石油安全困境，具體體現在自給能力不足、進口來源和管道單一、供需不對稱等幾個面向。中亞國家之所以吸引中國，係因中國在中亞具有地緣優勢，且該地區石油是世界第三大石油蘊藏區，對還處在重大轉型期的中亞各國而言，國際力量紛紛介入，石油資源成為其對外發展的條件，也是應對當前全球化衝擊的必要選項。因此，石油安全將成為中國及中亞國家與大國間相互關係發展，最重要的決定因素。 中共在中亞地區的石油安全戰略，主要在彌補石油缺口，確保石油供應安全。本文旨在從「地緣政治學」的視角，分析探討中國及中亞的石油安全形勢、地緣政治、中共的石油安全戰略內涵、佈局與實踐及未來可能面臨的機遇與挑戰等議題。而中國在中亞的石油安全戰略，係以外交為手段，上海合作組織為平臺，輔以敦親睦鄰政策及地緣優勢，建立中國陸路石油供應路徑，期以分散石油供給集中並突破海上運油風險的制約。 中亞因其重要的地緣戰略位置和能源經濟價值以及政經情勢的複雜性，而成為歐亞大陸中心一個敏感地區。因此，中亞諸國採取門戶開放及平衡外交策略，造成世界各主要戰略力量進入，謀求現實的戰略利益。面對中國「走出去」與「多元化」的石油安全戰略，中亞國家與美俄大國競逐態勢，對區域及國際政經情勢的影響，值得關注。 / Beijing’s oil security gradually becomes dependent on foreign sources; this fact also constrains the development of Chinese economy and composite national power. As the Chinese economy grows fast, its need for oil intensifies as well. The oil supplies are unable to satisfy domestic demands, resulting in Beijing’s sense of insecurity. The oil security dilemma is manifested in several dimensions, such as insufficient domestic supplies, single import source and route, and insufficient total oil supplies. The reason why the Middle Asia countries attract China has geographical advantages in Middle Asia, where has the world’s third largest oil deposit. To these Middle-Asia countries which are during their major transformation period, oil resources become the basis of their outward development as well as a necessity to deal with the impact of globalization when international powers intervene. Therefore, oil security will determine the development of mutual relationships between China and Aiddle-Asia countries. Beijing’s oil security strategy on filling the gap in oil supplies and securing the oil supplies security. From "Geopolitions"aspects this thesis analyzes the oil secerity situation of China and Middle-Asia geopolitics, the intertions, deployment, practices future opportunities and challenges of China’s oil security strategy. With diplomacy as manenver Shanghai Cooperation Organization as platform Bejjing’s oil security strategy in Middle-Asia, accompanied by hospitality policies and geographical advantages, untents to establish an oil supply route by land. All of these approaches are to break through the concentration of oil supplies and the constraints and risks of maritime oil route. Due to its critical geostrategic status, energy values, and complication of political and economical situation Middle-Asia becomes a sensitive area in the Eurasian continent. Thus, the Middle-Asia countries adopt open and balance diplomacy, letting major powers enter this area in order to seek for realistic interests, Under the circumstances of Beijing’s "Outward" and "Diverse" oil security strategy, the competition between Middle-Asia counteies, U.S. and Russia, and the impacts of this competition on regional and international political and economical situation, are certainly worthy of attention.

自1978年中國改革開放30年以來，隨著經濟的持續快速發展，中國對石油需求度與日俱增，自1993年起從石油淨出口國變成了石油淨進口國，尤其以2004年中國的石油進口量超過日本成為僅次於美國的全球第二大能源消費國，石油是中國經濟及工業的命脈，對國內經濟發展更具有重要的意義。國際經濟強國將石油安全列為外交工作的重點，透過石油外交途逕取得在國際石油能源資源配置中的經濟和政治利益及主導地位，以滿足國內工業需求並提高經濟增長。對中國石油需求量急劇增加下，加上國際政治經濟形勢的錯綜複雜，更加重了中國對石油進口穩定供給的需求，為確保石油能源安全，中國更加積極地實施能源進口多元化戰略，除了從中東、東南亞、中亞、俄羅斯等地進口石油外，非洲的石油儲量豐富也成了中國石油開發新地區，非洲產油國蘇丹更是中國石油外交「走出去」的典範，本文從中國、蘇丹的石油、外交、政策探討中國的石油外交走向。 / Since 1978, 30 years since China's reform and opening up, with sustained and rapid economic development, China's oil demand was increasing since 1993 from a net oil exporter into a net importer of oil, particularly in 2004, China's oil imports after the United States surpassed Japan to become the world's second largest energy consumer, and industrial oil is the lifeblood of the modern economy, China's economic development is more important. Regarded the world's largest economy oil energy as the focus of diplomatic work and hope to obtain through oil diplomacy in the international oil and energy resources in the economic and political interests and dominant position in order to meet domestic industrial demand and increase economic growth. Since the execution of reformation in 1978,Chinas economy has been soaring and so has its demand of oil.IN 1993,China changed from a net oil exporter to a net importer of oil.particularly in 2004,China imported oil more than japan so china which is after America has already become the second largest energy resources consumer in the world.Oil is the lifeblood of industries and modern economy and it has more important meaning for the economic development of China.Strong countries in the world consider oil energy as a key of diplomatic work.They hope t could dominant the main position and get economic and political benefits of international oil resources through oil diplomacy for satisfying the demand of domestic industries and increasing economic growth.

A chegada de Hugo Chávez ao poder na Venezuela, em 1999, além de inaugurar uma fase marcada por governos progressistas na América do Sul, resultou na execução de uma política externa de características sui generis na região: marcada ao mesmo tempo pelo que se pode chamar de revisionismo periférico antagônico, de um lado, e pelo pragmatismo comercial de outro. O antagonismo em relação aos Estados Unidos, que vigorou de forma ativa entre 2002 e 2009, conviveu ao mesmo tempo com uma diplomacia do petróleo - apartada de divergências e focada na manutenção das boas relações comerciais com o mercado americano -, e com uma política comercial de importações que no mesmo período bateu recordes de compras de produtos dos Estados Unidos. Trata-se de duas variações de uma mesma política, que não se anularam nem provocaram um conflito paralisante, apesar da notória contradição entre elas. Foi graças e essa ?convivência excepcional? entre as duas faces de sua política externa, que o governo Chávez conseguiu aumentar suas divisas, sem o colapso econômico que ocorreria se retrocedesse na diplomacia do petróleo em relação aos Estados Unidos, e ao mesmo tempo implantar uma política revisionista que trouxe consequências relevantes para as relações bilaterais e também para relações dos países sul-americanos. Fundamentado a partir da velha tradição realista, este trabalho utiliza os conceitos de revisionismo periférico, de Cesar Guimarães, e de confrontação antagônica e confrontação autonômica, de Helio Jaguaribe, como pontos de partida para a reflexão sobre a política externa do governo Hugo Chávez entre 1999 e 2011

A chegada de Hugo Chávez ao poder na Venezuela, em 1999, além de inaugurar uma fase marcada por governos progressistas na América do Sul, resultou na execução de uma política externa de características sui generis na região: marcada ao mesmo tempo pelo que se pode chamar de revisionismo periférico antagônico, de um lado, e pelo pragmatismo comercial de outro. O antagonismo em relação aos Estados Unidos, que vigorou de forma ativa entre 2002 e 2009, conviveu ao mesmo tempo com uma diplomacia do petróleo - apartada de divergências e focada na manutenção das boas relações comerciais com o mercado americano -, e com uma política comercial de importações que no mesmo período bateu recordes de compras de produtos dos Estados Unidos. Trata-se de duas variações de uma mesma política, que não se anularam nem provocaram um conflito paralisante, apesar da notória contradição entre elas. Foi graças e essa ?convivência excepcional? entre as duas faces de sua política externa, que o governo Chávez conseguiu aumentar suas divisas, sem o colapso econômico que ocorreria se retrocedesse na diplomacia do petróleo em relação aos Estados Unidos, e ao mesmo tempo implantar uma política revisionista que trouxe consequências relevantes para as relações bilaterais e também para relações dos países sul-americanos. Fundamentado a partir da velha tradição realista, este trabalho utiliza os conceitos de revisionismo periférico, de Cesar Guimarães, e de confrontação antagônica e confrontação autonômica, de Helio Jaguaribe, como pontos de partida para a reflexão sobre a política externa do governo Hugo Chávez entre 1999 e 2011

當二十一世紀時序進入全球化時代之後，在全球氣候變遷與石化燃料價格高漲的影響之下，世界各國為了保障本身經濟發展所需的能源，即在世界範圍內展開激烈的鬥爭，甚至因此而導致了嚴重衝突和戰爭。當今全球能源消費結構中，石化能源仍居主導地位，存量的有限與需求增長之間矛盾日益顯著，因此，能源短缺已成為國家經濟發展的巨大瓶頸，全球性的能源爭奪態勢愈演愈烈。隨著全球化時代的到來，大部分發展中國家(尤其是亞太地區)工業化和現代化的進程相對加速，面對世界能源的需求也不斷增加，中國大陸就是最典型的例子。 大陸的能源戰略和海外投資，通常都是一個足以為外界激烈辯論的主題(例如「中國能源威脅論」)。中國大陸緊鄰著中亞區域，蘊藏著豐富的石油和天然氣儲備量，在這個區域發揮高度的能源戰略，似乎是中國大陸最可能的重要手段，另一方面亦藉以減輕其對來自中東的能源供應的依賴，若能掌握該區，大陸就可以減少對中東油源供應的依賴，種種徵候都明確顯示大陸積極鞏固國土疆域與追求能源安全戰略的全般優勢。 / When the timing to enter the twenty-first century era of globalization, under the global climate change and the impact of rising fossil fuel prices, the international community in order to protect its own economic development needed energy that fierce struggle, and even lead to serious conflicts and wars . Today's global energy consumption structure, petrochemical and energy continued to hold a dominant position, the contradiction between the finite and the demand for stock grew increasingly significant, therefore, the energy shortage has become a huge bottleneck in socio-economic development, global energy muddied intensified. With the advent of the era of globalization, (especially in the Asia-Pacific region) industrialization and modernization process in most developing countries relative acceleration, facing the world's energy demands are increasing, China is the most typical example. China's overseas energy strategy and investments are usually sufficient for the outside world a hotly debated topic (such as "China energy threat"). China close to the Central Asian region, rich in oil and natural gas reserves in the region to play a highly energy strategy, China seems to be the most important means possible, on the other hand also so as to reduce its dependence on energy supplies from the Middle East , if we grasp this area, China can reduce its dependence on Middle East oil supply source, various incidents have clearly demonstrated China's active pursuit of the full consolidation of Land and territory advantages like energy security strategy.

中國的石油外交安全複合體系可分為海上運輸航線、歐亞能源陸橋以及全球經營三大面向。由於目前中國進口石油來源主要來自中東及非洲地區，並依賴印度洋通往國內東南沿海的海上運輸航線，基於分散運輸風險與進口地區多元化的考量，增進對東協關係以促成海路運輸安全、向陸地接鄰的俄羅斯與中亞國家發展能源陸橋、兼顧海陸進口路線平衡發展之佈局，以及積極於中東、非洲、拉丁美洲地區發展經貿與能源合作並進關係，將為中國建構石油安全複合體系必然的策略選擇。複合體系行為主體是運用石油公司、國家政策及區域組織外交三個層次相結合，發展區域經濟論壇、軍售與外交支持等全般作為以鞏固對產油國安全利益依存關係，即使面臨體系內美國與日本競爭石油資源，但是中國提供其他合作選項，使產油國得以增加出口選擇，因此牽制力量的存在反而有助於強化體系運作，預期與美國爭奪地緣關鍵國家合作關係將是今後中國開展石油外交的重點。 / China’s oil diplomacy security complex is divided into three aspects： Sea lines of communication, Eurasia energy bridge, and Global cooperation. Middle East and Africa are now the main areas for China’s imported petroleum, and their production are transported through Indian Ocean to the southeast China coast. China’s strategies to build oil diplomacy security complex on account of diversification of importing sources are to protect Sea lines of communication by promoting Sino-ASEAN relations, to construct energy bridge from Russia and Central Asia in order to poise the marine and continental route of imported petroleum, as well as to develop business and energy cooperation with Middle East, Africa and Latin America .There are three characteristics of the security complex: first , members that compose oil companies, countries and regional organizations ; second , interdependence that China fosters with oil-exported countries in regional economic forum , arm sales and diplomatic support , and the existence of opponents such as the United States and Japan that strengthens the security complex by relieving China’s alternative value. In conclusion, China provides other alternatives for oil-exporting countries and strengthen the regional security complex; thus to obtain cooperation opportunities with key countries in the Geopolitical field from the U.S. would be the priority in China’s oil diplomacy policy.

中國自1993年後成為石油淨進口國，而伴隨經濟持續的高度成長，石油消費亦逐年增長，中國面臨威脅未來發展的資源短缺危機。而隨著國力的崛起，中國領導人、企業紛紛走向世界，融入國際體系，其中以中國石油產業的擴張最受矚目。本文擬從國家現實主義為出發點，探討中國在面臨石油安全威脅之際，所展現出的石油外交戰略與意圖，將全球產油區分為四大中國正進行佈局的戰略區，包括中東與北非、中亞和俄羅斯、東南亞與南海、南北美等四區，探討中國官方與企業的外交與商業作為，從中分析其在各區域及整體所面臨挑戰，進而研判中國石油外交未來發展方向。 / China has become an oil net importer since 1993. Because China’s economic growth is leaping continuously, its oil consumption has increased year by year. China’s development in the future is threatened by resources shortage as China rises, Chinese leaders and enterprises make efforts to integrate into international community. The expansion of Chinese oil industries especially draws the world’s attention. Based on national realism, this paper will discuss how China implements oil diplomacy and oil strategy to cope with its oil security threat by dividing main oil producing areas in the world into four regions, include Mideast and North Africa, central Asia and Russia, South Asia and South China Sea. Judging from the government’s diplomacy and the enterprises’ business activities, I will analyze challenges facing in each area and as a whole to find out the trend of China’s oil diplomacy in the future.