自1978年中國改革開放30年以來，隨著經濟的持續快速發展，中國對石油需求度與日俱增，自1993年起從石油淨出口國變成了石油淨進口國，尤其以2004年中國的石油進口量超過日本成為僅次於美國的全球第二大能源消費國，石油是中國經濟及工業的命脈，對國內經濟發展更具有重要的意義。國際經濟強國將石油安全列為外交工作的重點，透過石油外交途逕取得在國際石油能源資源配置中的經濟和政治利益及主導地位，以滿足國內工業需求並提高經濟增長。對中國石油需求量急劇增加下，加上國際政治經濟形勢的錯綜複雜，更加重了中國對石油進口穩定供給的需求，為確保石油能源安全，中國更加積極地實施能源進口多元化戰略，除了從中東、東南亞、中亞、俄羅斯等地進口石油外，非洲的石油儲量豐富也成了中國石油開發新地區，非洲產油國蘇丹更是中國石油外交「走出去」的典範，本文從中國、蘇丹的石油、外交、政策探討中國的石油外交走向。 / Since 1978, 30 years since China's reform and opening up, with sustained and rapid economic development, China's oil demand was increasing since 1993 from a net oil exporter into a net importer of oil, particularly in 2004, China's oil imports after the United States surpassed Japan to become the world's second largest energy consumer, and industrial oil is the lifeblood of the modern economy, China's economic development is more important. Regarded the world's largest economy oil energy as the focus of diplomatic work and hope to obtain through oil diplomacy in the international oil and energy resources in the economic and political interests and dominant position in order to meet domestic industrial demand and increase economic growth. Since the execution of reformation in 1978,Chinas economy has been soaring and so has its demand of oil.IN 1993,China changed from a net oil exporter to a net importer of oil.particularly in 2004,China imported oil more than japan so china which is after America has already become the second largest energy resources consumer in the world.Oil is the lifeblood of industries and modern economy and it has more important meaning for the economic development of China.Strong countries in the world consider oil energy as a key of diplomatic work.They hope t could dominant the main position and get economic and political benefits of international oil resources through oil diplomacy for satisfying the demand of domestic industries and increasing economic growth.

Humanitarian intervention becomes a focal point of international debate because it seems to be morally right but legally wrong. It challenges the principle of non-intervention and non-use of force encompassed in the Charter of the United Nations (UN), which was established in 1945 to prevent aggressions that led to the two world wars. However, since the 1990s, state practices of military intervention to protect human rights increased dramatically, many of which were even endorsed by the UN or in close cooperation with it. In other words, the UN is the most important, or insofar the only acceptable, body to authorize and legitimize any military operations with humanitarian rationale. This research aims at investigating the limitations of the UN in coordinating its responsibilities of maintaining peace and security and of protecting human rights. Two cases, Rwanda in 1994 and Sudan from 2003 on, are chosen as examples to probe into the practice of the UN and try to determine what has changed and what remains steadfast of the UN practice in humanitarian intervention in these ten years. By focusing on the cases of Rwanda and Sudan, this thesis is intended to address the following questions: (1) In the past decade, has the UN system become more comfortable with humanitarian intervention? (2) What are the limitations of the UN in conducting “humanitarian intervention”? What causes these limitations? And why? (3) What can be done to improve the incompetence of the UN in terms of humanitarian intervention? How to harmonize the UN’s conflicting responsibilities of upholding human rights and defending the principle of non-intervention? This research concludes that the new approach of the “responsibility to protect” that was created in recent years shows that a normative change is on the way. Besides, from Rwanda to Sudan, the UN has made progress in addressing grave humanitarian issues. However, all the efforts still have to depend on the political will of the member states of the UN. Since this issue is still more a political one than a legal one, in the years to come, the UN will still face the difficulty of fulfilling its responsibility.

能源是經濟和社會發展的重要基礎和戰略資源。近百年中，能源安全不斷的被各國列為首要問題。隨著中國改革開放，國家經濟不斷成長，成為世界經濟大國，其能源的需求量日趨增加，從自給自足到至今依賴進口，使中國將能源外交列為外交戰略的主要目標，藉由走出去得戰略，積極到海外尋找能源。在這種情況下，能源外交顯然將成為繼大國外交與周邊外交後，中國外交政策的第三個重要環節。 開發中國家具有豐富的能源，再加上中國以開發中國家自居，因此開發中國家在中國的外交政策上，佔有重要地位，且可配合中國國家經濟發展。中國藉由其與開發中國家建立並維持良好的外交關係，以為中國尋找迫切需要的能源。 中國積極透過多邊組織或是雙邊接觸，向非洲、拉丁美洲尋找油源。中國能源問題不僅關係著中國的經濟發展，在擴展能源佈局全球的同時，也引起國際的注意，意涵著這是國際能源戰略問題，更是國際外交爭議性議題。 中國為化解能源進口來源過於集中的風險，於是拉美及非洲成為中國石油進口的戰略來源地。中國將觸角伸向拉美及非洲地區，其中對委內瑞拉及蘇丹這兩個國家最為積極，近期拉美的左傾化浪潮，委內瑞拉查韋斯政權與美國對抗，以及蘇丹有關達富爾的人權問題，使得中國的能源外交被國際社會說成與美國分庭抗禮及罔顧人權，造成中國受國際社會的譴責。 本文研究發現，中國與開發中國家能源外交有助於提升中國國際影響力，「能源競爭」與「權力競爭」是中國對非洲及拉丁美洲的能源外交目的。中國的能源外交對各地區之目的有所不同，不一定都是以獲取能源為主要目的，有時權力競爭反而佔據相當的份量，即中國能源外交之目的有時為了能源競爭，此時著重於取得能源；但有時卻不是為了能源競爭，能源本身不是目的，而只是工具，其真正目的是權力競爭。 / Energy is an important strategic resource and the critical basis of economic and social development. During the last hundred years, energy security has been identified as primary problem. With its successful open-door reform, China became the world economic giant of the constantly growing up of the national economy. With the increasing needs of oil energy day by day, China was transferred from an oil self-sufficient country to an oil import one. Now, one goal of the diplomatic strategy is the energy diplomacy. With the strategy of “going out” looking for the energy abroad, China is searching for oil resource actively. In this situation, the diplomacy of energy will obviously become the third important aspect of the China’s foreign policy, in addition to major power diplomacy and diplomacy with neighboring countries. Developing countries with the abundant energy, plus China itself poses as a developing country, developing countries occupies an important position in Chinese foreign policy in general, China's national economic development in particular. For the purpose of acquisition of oil energy, China has to maintain actively good diplomatic relations for developing countries. So China looks for the oil source to Africa, Latin America through both multilateral organizations and bilateral relations. The question of the Chinese energy is not merely only concerning the economic development of China, but also its global strategy of energy acquisition. So that it has attracted international concerns and became a controversial issue of international diplomacy. China has made every effort to reduce the risk that the import of energy resources overly concentrates, and, consequently, Latin America and Africa become the strategic source of China's petroleum imports. China stretches the feeler to Latin America and Africa, among them the most positive to these are two countries, i.e., Venezuela and Sudan. The left-leaning political tide in Latin America recently, the regime of Chavez in Venezuela confronting with U.S.A., and the human rights issue of Sudan, China’s energy diplomacy is to be condemned by the international community, because of deliberately confrontation with the United States and ignorance of human rights. This study discovers that the energy diplomacy will be helpful for China’s influences in the international arena and its major purpose is for either energy or power in Africa and Latin America. The Chinese diplomacy of energy varies in terms of geographic factor. Sometimes, Chinese energy diplomacy is for energy acquisition so as to resolve its development needs, sometimes for power and energy is only an instrument.

隨著中國大陸日益增加對非洲事務的參與，中國大陸與非洲之間關係的研究受到前所未有的重視。雖然學界已有相當多關於中非關係的研究，但對於北京在達佛（Darfur）危機中所扮演的角色仍缺乏探討。因此，為了彌補現有文獻的不足，本論文對達佛危機進行更全面性的瞭解，更重要的是，本論文將從非洲的角度出發，追蹤並分析從2003年起迄今中國大陸在處理達佛危機中所扮演的角色。 達佛隸屬於一個自後殖民時代起就戰亂頻仍、擁有不斷自相殘殺歷史的國家—蘇丹。該地區暴力的多樣性、衝突型態的複雜度、盤根錯節的內戰起因、以及人道危機的暴行，皆讓蘇丹的達佛充滿著許多不穩定因素。 然而，正是在這樣的政治社會脈絡下，北京政府不顧國際社會要求停止對北蘇丹政權（Khartoum）援助的呼籲，做出對達佛投資以促進中國大陸國家利益的決定，儘管北蘇丹政權仍在達佛地區進行近似種族滅絕(genocide)的毀滅性戰爭。 藉由探討中國大陸對北蘇丹政權的支持是否間接造成達佛地區的人道危機，本論文旨在檢視中國大陸在達佛地區武裝衝突所涉及的面向，以及中國大陸在處理該地區危機中所扮演的角色。 關鍵字: 蘇丹、達佛、中國大陸、人道危機、政治性策略戰爭、衝突管理。 / With the growing presence of Mainland China in Africa, relations between the two continents have increasingly been the subject of unprecedented scrutiny. Although the Sino-African relations are largely covered by the mass media, they, however, remain under-researched especially with respect to the role played by Beijing in the humanitarian crisis in Darfur. Our dissertation seeks therefore to fill out such gap by providing a comprehensive understanding of the ongoing humanitarian crisis in Darfur, and more importantly by tracing, based upon an African perspective, the role that China has played in the management of the humanitarian crisis in Darfur from 2003 to contemporary days. Darfur is a region which is part of a country that has been at war with itself through the entire history of its post-colonial journey. The multiplicity then of the fighting movements in the region, the complexity of the configuration of the conflicts, the interconnectivity of the underlying causes of the civil war, and the atrocity of the humanitarian crisis have made Sudan, and Darfur specifically, a volatile composite region. Nevertheless, it is in such a socio-political landscape that China has decided to invest and advance its national interest defying the international community’s calls for Beijing to end its assistance to Khartoum which has been conducting a destructive war akin to ‘genocide’ over Darfur. With the intention to examine whether China is underwriting the genocide in Darfur by backing Khartoum, the core purpose of our dissertation would, indeed, be to figure out what has, in fact, been the Chinese dimension in armed conflicts in Darfur and the role played by Mainland China in the management of the humanitarian crisis in the region. Key words: Sudan – Darfur – Mainland China – Humanitarian Crisis – Strategic Political Warfare – Conflict Management

後冷戰時期非洲地區依然存在族群衝突問題，其原因來自於族群地位不平等，以致族群間無法融合。非洲國家若無法建立起「國家利益優先於族群利益」概念，並壓制「部落主義」情緒，則國家內部可能因族群爭權，而陷入長期動亂當中。盧安達種族屠殺及蘇丹內戰和達佛問題等，均係後冷戰時期非洲族群衝突的重要個案，本論文將加以深入研究。國際社會自美國於1993年出兵索馬利亞任務失敗後，對非洲動亂抱持冷漠態度，故造成1994年盧安達種族屠殺慘劇。自此之後，國際社會積極採取有效途徑，解決非洲地區動亂問題，而2004年國際社會積極處理蘇丹達佛衝突，即在避免重蹈盧安達事件的覆轍。本論文將透過後冷戰時期非洲族群衝突個案探討，從中找出非洲族群衝突的根源、影響族群衝突的內外部原因及國際社會介入處理的成效。

魅力(Charisma)型領袖Muhammad Ahmad運用馬赫迪(Mahdi)神學號召群眾推翻土耳其殖民統治；蘇丹獨立初期Abd al-Rahman繼承馬赫迪宗教領袖的權威，結合民族主義，主張蘇丹獨立的政治理念，將宗教組織轉換為溫瑪黨進入公領域，成為議會時期主導民主政治的宗教政治菁英。Abd al-Rahman歸真後，他的孫子Sadiq al-Mahdi歷經三次軍變和三次議會時期，轉換馬赫迪神學，號召民眾起來為蘇丹民主和獨立而奮戰，推動民主進程結合宗教聖戰的概念對抗軍事統治政權。蘇丹在全球化多元政治制度衝擊下，伊斯蘭政治神學成為解決蘇丹內政問題的一種「神學替代方案」以取代今日的民主政體和極權體制。本論文討論蘇丹政治神學如「伊斯蘭民主神學」及「伊斯蘭社會神學」與近代政治制度的融合和交互作用下，探討群眾運動與六次政治體制轉換的關係。 / The charisma leader Muhammad Ahmad used the Mahdi theology to call a large mass of people that overthrew the Turkish colonial rule. In the early independent time, Abd al-Rahman combined nationalism with his inherited Mahdi power. He advocated an ideal of “Independent Sudan” in public and transformed his religious organization into the Umma party. After Abd al-Rahman passed away, his grandson Sadiq al-Mahdi had gone through three times the rotation of the democratic and military rules. Sadiq al-Mahdi has changed the Mahdi theology that calls people “jihad”for Sudan’s democracy and independency. He also proclaims a democratic progress with jihad against the military rule. As a result, Sudan, influenced by the globalized pluralist political system, chooses Islamic political system as a “theocratic alternative” to the present democratic and authoritarian systems to solve her domestic problems. This thesis discusses how Sudan’s political theologies, including “Islamic Democratic Theology” and “Islamic Social Theology”, interacted with the modern political systems and its outcomes to the relation between the mass movements and the six-time transitions between the democratic and military rules.