本研究旨在探討國民中學校長魅力領導與教師組織公民行為之關係，希望藉由理論探討與實證研究的結果，提出建議作為校長領導與提昇教師組織公民行為的參考。 本研究採用問卷調查法，以台北市、台北縣共計抽取45所公私立國民中學的945位正式教師為研究對象，有效問卷752份，問卷回收後以描述統計分析、t考驗、單因子變異數分析、典型相關分析，多元逐步迴歸分析等統計方法進行資料分析。 本研究之主要研究發現歸納如下： 一、台北縣市國民中學教師對於校長魅力領導屬良好正向的狀態，以「願景塑造」的構面知覺感受最高。 二、教師之組織公民行為積極正向知覺發展。以「組織公民表現」構面自覺表現最佳。 三、教師對校長魅力領導的知覺會因為教師的性別、年資、職務、年齡、學校制別及學校規模的不同而有所差異。 四、男性教師、私立國民中學、規模24班以下的國民中學教師對校長魅力領導知覺感受最高。 五、教師對組織公民行為的自覺表現會因為教師的性別、年齡、學歷、年資、職務、學校制別及學校規模的不同而有所差異。 六、男性教師、一般大學畢業、年資16年以上、私立國民中學、規模24班以下的國民中學教師對教師組織公民行為之表現最高。 七、國民中學校長魅力領導以「願景塑造」對教師教師組織公民行為的預測力最高。 八、教師組織公民行為各構面與校長魅力領導皆呈顯著正相關。其中以「人際公民表現」與校長魅力領導相關程度最高。 九、校長魅力領導的表現愈高，對於教師的組織公民行為表現也愈高，尤其是校長在「願景塑造」及「環境知覺」能有較佳的展現時，就愈能提高教師在組織公民行為中的「人際公民表現」。 最後依據本研究之主要發現與結論，分別就實務應用及未來研究兩方面提出具體建議，以供學校及教育行政機關或後續研究之參考。 關鍵詞:魅力領導、組織公民行為 / This research object is focused on exploring the relationship between principals’ charismatic leadership and teachers’ organizational citizenship behavior in junior high schools, by way of related theory investigation and empirical study conclusions will be referred to the education department for principals leadership and teachers organizational behavior improvement and reference. This research was conducted under the questionnaire survey aiming at qualified teachers of Taipei public and private junior high schools with sampling size of 945 volunteer and withdrew 752 copies thereof effective. Regarding the research tool includes C-K education scale questionnaire and was collected ,compiled by the researcher, then followed by descriptive statistics through SPSS package, t-test , one-way variance analysis, typical correlation analysis and multiple -regression analysis model . According to the research analysis and discussion, it comes to the conclusions as following： 1.Scale score statistics results revealed that teachers of Taipei public and private junior high schools recognized principals leadership of charisma and to be positive, among the charismatic leadership 5 dimensions, “strategic vision and articulation” perception ranks the top. 2.It also showed teachers well perceived organizational citizenship behavior, among the organizational citizenship behavior 3 dimensions, “OCBO “perception are of the most. 3.School teachers perceived principals leadership of charisma depends on teachers’ sex, seniority , position ,age, academic system and size of school. 4.School teachers who are male, in private junior high schools with classes under 24, perceived principals leadership of charisma the most. 5.School teachers toward “organizational citizenship behavior” perception depends on teachers’ sex, seniority , position ,age, academic system and size of school. 6.School teachers who are male, university graduate , seniority over 16 years ,in private junior high schools with classes under 24, perceived “school -benefit orientation” the most. 7.School principals charismatic leadership appeal to “strategic vision and articulation” ,which is the most significant determinant of teachers organizational citizenship behavior. 8.Each dimension of teachers organizational behavior is significantly, positively correlated with school principals charismatic leadership, among the most is “ OCBI.” 9.The principals charismatic leadership performance is higher, teachers more behave with school -benefit orientation , especially principals performed well in “strategic vision and articulation”and“sensitivity to the environment”, which enhances teachers “OCBI” Finally, according to the research findings and conclusions , bring up some suggestions regarding practice applications and subsequent studies respectively to schools and education authorities.

京都大学 / 0048 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(文学) / 甲第18715号 / 文博第673号 / 新制||文||614(附属図書館) / 31666 / 京都大学大学院文学研究科行動文化学専攻 / (主査)准教授 蘆田 宏, 教授 藤田 和生, 教授 吉川 左紀子 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Letters / Kyoto University / DGAM

本論文は、観光地の魅力向上要因は観光資源の充実と観光地ブランドの形成と考え、実証分析と事例研究によって、その有効な取り組みを明らかにしたものである。実証分析では、日本全国を207に区分し、各地域の総旅行費用の値と、観光資源のハーフィンダール・ハーシュマン指数と観光資源数を用いて分析を実施した。分析の結果、観光資源の充実と観光地ブランドの明確化が、観光地の魅力向上に結びつく事を支持する結果を得た。また、事例研究では、再発掘資源の観光資源化によって、観光資源の充実と観光地ブランド形成が可能であることを明らかにした。 / 博士(技術・革新的経営) / Doctor of Philosophy in Technology and Innovative Management / 同志社大学 / Doshisha University

當全世界風起雲湧將目光投注中共自2004年開始建置之「孔子學院」佈局全球，甚至引發新一波中國「文化威脅論」之際，中共另一「軟實力」（Soft Power）卻正悄悄崛起，其受中共國家領導人重視程度較「孔子學院」有過之而無不及，定位與位階也遠遠高於「孔子學院」之上，那是直屬中國文化部之海外「中國文化中心」。 　　中共於海外設立「中國文化中心」是其整體文化「走出去」戰略實踐方案之一，具有因應國際背景與現實需求、提高國家文化地位、擴大對外影響力與軟實力、以及加深中西文明對話與認同的目的；而在海外設立文化中心是二戰之後全球主要強權國家普遍採用的文化「走出去」戰略，是其推廣本國文化、傳播思想價值、樹立國家形象的重要方式，也是提升國家軟實力重要平臺。 　　在中共30年傲人的經濟發展下，自江澤民於1988年在非洲模里西斯及貝寧設立海外「中國文化中心」開始，目前已在全球建成30個海外「中國文化中心」，預定在2020年達成建設50家的目標，確定從「經濟走出去」到「文化走出去」之戰略布局。近年來，隨著中國國際地位和影響力的迅速提升，海外「中國文化中心」的發展來到前所未有的機遇；惟全球設立家數與主要強權如法國、英國、德國等，仍有相當差距且分布不均，未來中共如何運用中國綜合國力及落實提高國家軟實力，明確制定宏觀總體戰略布局以展現全球文化「魅力攻勢」有其迫切性與挑戰性。 / When the world pays more attention to the Confucius Institute, which has been built by the Chinese Communist Party since 2004, even sparked a new wave of culture threat theory, the other soft power of the Chinese Communist Party is quietly rising. That is the Overseas China Cultural Center, which is affiliated with the Ministry of Culture of the People's Republic of China. It is not only highly valued by the leaders of the CCP than the Confucius Institute, but also has a much higher position and rank than the Confucius Institute. 　　The Overseas China Cultural Center is one of the practices of its comprehensive culture going out strategy by the Chinese Communist Party. It has the purpose of improving the national cultural status, expanding its influence and soft power in response to the international affairs and realistic needs, and deepening the dialogue and identity between Chinese and Western civilizations. The establishment of the Cultural Center abroad is a major policy of culture going out strategy between great powers around the world after World War II. It is an important approach to promote national culture, disseminate ideological value and establish a national image. It is also an important platform to enhance national soft power. 　　In the 30 years of economic development of the Chinese Communist Party, President Jiang Zemin has set up the first overseas China Cultural Center in the Republic of Mauritius and the Republic of Benin in 1988. So far, it has been built 30 Cultural Centers in the world. China Cultural Center is also scheduled to reach 50 targets by 2020. The layout of going out strategy was transitioned from economy to culture. In recent years, with the rapid advancement of China's international status and influence, the development of overseas China cultural center has come to unprecedented opportunities. However, there is still a considerable gap in the number of centers with great powers, such as France, the United Kingdom, and Germany, etc. How can the Chinese Communist Party employ its comprehensive national strength and implement the national soft power in the future, and it is urgent and challenging to formulate the overall strategic layout to demonstrate the global cultural charm offensive.

魅力(Charisma)型領袖Muhammad Ahmad運用馬赫迪(Mahdi)神學號召群眾推翻土耳其殖民統治；蘇丹獨立初期Abd al-Rahman繼承馬赫迪宗教領袖的權威，結合民族主義，主張蘇丹獨立的政治理念，將宗教組織轉換為溫瑪黨進入公領域，成為議會時期主導民主政治的宗教政治菁英。Abd al-Rahman歸真後，他的孫子Sadiq al-Mahdi歷經三次軍變和三次議會時期，轉換馬赫迪神學，號召民眾起來為蘇丹民主和獨立而奮戰，推動民主進程結合宗教聖戰的概念對抗軍事統治政權。蘇丹在全球化多元政治制度衝擊下，伊斯蘭政治神學成為解決蘇丹內政問題的一種「神學替代方案」以取代今日的民主政體和極權體制。本論文討論蘇丹政治神學如「伊斯蘭民主神學」及「伊斯蘭社會神學」與近代政治制度的融合和交互作用下，探討群眾運動與六次政治體制轉換的關係。 / The charisma leader Muhammad Ahmad used the Mahdi theology to call a large mass of people that overthrew the Turkish colonial rule. In the early independent time, Abd al-Rahman combined nationalism with his inherited Mahdi power. He advocated an ideal of “Independent Sudan” in public and transformed his religious organization into the Umma party. After Abd al-Rahman passed away, his grandson Sadiq al-Mahdi had gone through three times the rotation of the democratic and military rules. Sadiq al-Mahdi has changed the Mahdi theology that calls people “jihad”for Sudan’s democracy and independency. He also proclaims a democratic progress with jihad against the military rule. As a result, Sudan, influenced by the globalized pluralist political system, chooses Islamic political system as a “theocratic alternative” to the present democratic and authoritarian systems to solve her domestic problems. This thesis discusses how Sudan’s political theologies, including “Islamic Democratic Theology” and “Islamic Social Theology”, interacted with the modern political systems and its outcomes to the relation between the mass movements and the six-time transitions between the democratic and military rules.

過去研究發現，組織所制訂之情緒表達規則對於員工在服務顧客時所表現的情緒表達行為有正面的影響，然而，情緒表達規則究竟是透過何種管道傳遞給員工，目前文獻尚未提供明確的答案；且傳遞方式的不同是否會增強或削弱組織規範對員工行為的影響力，也是過去文獻所忽略的部分。本研究以主管的教導行為作為主要變項，探討其是否會影響員工在服務顧客時，所展現之正向情緒表達與失態行為；同時，本研究亦探討主管平時與員工互動時所展現的魅力領導行為與不當對待領導行為，是否會干擾主管教導行為與員工情緒表達之間的關係。 本研究以國內飯店業之櫃台服務人員為實證對象，蒐集了總共101家飯店、360位櫃台服務人員的資料。結果顯示，主管的教導行為對於員工正向情緒表達行為具有正面的影響；且當主管展現出高度的魅力領導行為時，會強化主管教導行為與員工正向情緒表達之間的正向關係。 / Although previous studies have found that organizations’ display rules have positive impacts on employee affective displays in the service industry, the issue of how these emotional display rules be conveyed to employees remains relatively unexplored so far; and it is also been neglected as to whether the way of conveying display rules can influence the effects of organizational norm on employee positive affective displays. Therefore, this study examined whether supervisory guidance can affect employee positive affective displays and breaking character. In addition, this study examined whether charismatic leadership and abusive supervision performed by supervisors will moderate the relationships between supervisory guidance and employee affective displays. Data were collected from 360 front desk clerks in 101 hotels in Taiwan. Results showed that supervisory guidance had a positive impact on employee positive affective displays. In addition, this study found that high level of charismatic leadership behaviors strengthened the positive relationship between supervisory guidance and employee positive displays.

本研究旨在探討中國大陸如何運用經濟工具與菲律賓、越南應處南海爭端。參照Keohane及Nye非對稱互賴理論（asymmetrical interdependence）提出之敏感性（sensitivity）、脆弱性（vulnerability）概念，本研究分析中國大陸自1997年採取「魅力攻勢（Charm Offensive）」策略，為其創造可供運用經濟誘因（economic attraction）及經濟脅迫（economic coercion）之戰略空間，期能使菲、越等經濟實力相對弱勢國家，在領土爭端方面知所退讓。然而，從經濟誘因之敏感性以觀，研究發現菲、越兩國例證，均無以支持經濟誘因能說服相對弱勢國家減緩聲索之論述。針此，研究者提出「信任（trust）」或可作為補強Keohane及Nye分析框架要項之一；意即中國大陸與其經濟夥伴之間若政治信任不足，則中國大陸欲藉提供經濟誘因，促其經濟夥伴在領土爭端有所退讓，勢必存在相當難度。另從經濟脅迫之脆弱性以觀，研究發現菲、越兩國例證顯示，有別於運用實質性手段（substantive measures）施壓造成之短期損失，採取象徵性手段（symbolic measures）所映射之高度風險與不確定性，對於威懾經濟實力相對弱勢國家，可能更具效力。 / This study explores how China has employed economic instruments in handling South China Sea disputes with the Philippines and Vietnam. Borrowing Keohane and Nye’s notations of sensitivity and vulnerability in asymmetrical interdependence, this study analyzes how China’s charm offensive strategy developed since 1997 has created tactical spaces for China to utilize economic attractions and economic coercions in making her weaker economic partners to concede in territorial disputes. In terms of sensitivity to economic attractions, nevertheless, findings in both cases fail to support the argument that economic incentives would persuade the weaker parties to refrain their claims. I argue that one of the missing elements in Keohane and Nye’s analytical framework is “trust”. Without sufficient political “trust” between China and her economic partners, economic attractions to induce concessions could hardly work. In terms of vulnerability to economic coercions, findings in both cases suggest that compared to the substantive measures stressing the short-term loss, the symbolic measures projecting to high degree of risks and uncertainties might be more effective to deter the weaker parties.