Since China became a net oil importer in 1993, China¡¦s remarkable economic growth has fueled a demand for oil that has outstripped domestic sources of supply. China¡¦s reliance on oil imports to satisfy its oil requirements has become the potential threat to the national security. Therefore, The Chinese government advocated the ¡§Go Abroad¡¨ strategy and support overseas investment by the Chinese state-owned oil companies to diversify China¡¦s oil supply. This paper focuses on the development of Chinese oil companies¡¦ overseas investment based on the political-economic approaches to oil security. The research problem of this paper is: Why did the Chinese government decide to drive the state-owned companies¡¦ overseas investment? In what condition did the Chinese government interfere in overseas investment activities? What is Chinese oil companies obtained in their ¡§Go Abroad¡¨ activities? What Challenge will Chinese state-owned companies¡¦ investment in overseas oil fields face? The conclusion of this paper is that the incomplete business activities which the government¡¦s intervention in the overseas investment will lead to can¡¦t ensure oil security. It can be predicted that the Chinese state-owned oil companies¡¦ will have the economic nationalism guide the direction of their overseas investment development, but they will increasingly participate in the free trade mechanism in the international oil market.

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The diploma thesis is focused on the assessment of the level of public awareness on the issue of oil shortage in the territory of the South Bohemian Region and the comparsion of the obtained data with the results obtained in the region of Pilsen. The results of this research are linked to the second objective of proposing measures to improve the information system on the given issue. For the needs of the thesis, quantitative research was chosen as a questionnaire survey. The questionnaire itself consists of 17 semi closed questions, with 3 filtering questions in the introduction, ranking respondents by sex, age and municipality, followed by 14 specific questions. The purpose of the research is to determine the level of public awareness of possible regulatory measures related to the declaration of the state of oil shortage, focusing on fuel shortages, powers of state administration and self-government authorities and a general overview of the oil security of the Czech Republic. The data obtained suggest that the average knowledge of the correct answers averages around 65 % on average, but succes rates vary from 30 to 94 %. Questions with a low average success of the right answers are potential topics for improving awareness, for example through short TV spots, training courses, or information brochures. The diploma thesis can be used for educational purposes as a starting material for follow-up research, or it can serve as an inspiration for finding a suitable way of communicating with the public in the field of crisis management.

中共石油安全對外依存度升高，並制約著中共經濟與綜合國力的發展。隨著中國經濟高速成長，石油需求缺口持續擴大，石油供需嚴重失衡，造成中國的不安全感。而中國石油安全困境，具體體現在自給能力不足、進口來源和管道單一、供需不對稱等幾個面向。中亞國家之所以吸引中國，係因中國在中亞具有地緣優勢，且該地區石油是世界第三大石油蘊藏區，對還處在重大轉型期的中亞各國而言，國際力量紛紛介入，石油資源成為其對外發展的條件，也是應對當前全球化衝擊的必要選項。因此，石油安全將成為中國及中亞國家與大國間相互關係發展，最重要的決定因素。 中共在中亞地區的石油安全戰略，主要在彌補石油缺口，確保石油供應安全。本文旨在從「地緣政治學」的視角，分析探討中國及中亞的石油安全形勢、地緣政治、中共的石油安全戰略內涵、佈局與實踐及未來可能面臨的機遇與挑戰等議題。而中國在中亞的石油安全戰略，係以外交為手段，上海合作組織為平臺，輔以敦親睦鄰政策及地緣優勢，建立中國陸路石油供應路徑，期以分散石油供給集中並突破海上運油風險的制約。 中亞因其重要的地緣戰略位置和能源經濟價值以及政經情勢的複雜性，而成為歐亞大陸中心一個敏感地區。因此，中亞諸國採取門戶開放及平衡外交策略，造成世界各主要戰略力量進入，謀求現實的戰略利益。面對中國「走出去」與「多元化」的石油安全戰略，中亞國家與美俄大國競逐態勢，對區域及國際政經情勢的影響，值得關注。 / Beijing’s oil security gradually becomes dependent on foreign sources; this fact also constrains the development of Chinese economy and composite national power. As the Chinese economy grows fast, its need for oil intensifies as well. The oil supplies are unable to satisfy domestic demands, resulting in Beijing’s sense of insecurity. The oil security dilemma is manifested in several dimensions, such as insufficient domestic supplies, single import source and route, and insufficient total oil supplies. The reason why the Middle Asia countries attract China has geographical advantages in Middle Asia, where has the world’s third largest oil deposit. To these Middle-Asia countries which are during their major transformation period, oil resources become the basis of their outward development as well as a necessity to deal with the impact of globalization when international powers intervene. Therefore, oil security will determine the development of mutual relationships between China and Aiddle-Asia countries. Beijing’s oil security strategy on filling the gap in oil supplies and securing the oil supplies security. From "Geopolitions"aspects this thesis analyzes the oil secerity situation of China and Middle-Asia geopolitics, the intertions, deployment, practices future opportunities and challenges of China’s oil security strategy. With diplomacy as manenver Shanghai Cooperation Organization as platform Bejjing’s oil security strategy in Middle-Asia, accompanied by hospitality policies and geographical advantages, untents to establish an oil supply route by land. All of these approaches are to break through the concentration of oil supplies and the constraints and risks of maritime oil route. Due to its critical geostrategic status, energy values, and complication of political and economical situation Middle-Asia becomes a sensitive area in the Eurasian continent. Thus, the Middle-Asia countries adopt open and balance diplomacy, letting major powers enter this area in order to seek for realistic interests, Under the circumstances of Beijing’s "Outward" and "Diverse" oil security strategy, the competition between Middle-Asia counteies, U.S. and Russia, and the impacts of this competition on regional and international political and economical situation, are certainly worthy of attention.

Thesis (Ph. D. (International Politics)) -- University of Limpopo, 2016 / The United States of America’s (US) foreign policy towards Africa has been the subject for debate. This is partly because the country’s relationship with African countries is not consistent. By and large, such relations are shaped by a number of factors which include political orientation and material resources. Within this context, the present study uses case studies from two different parts of Africa to tease out US foreign policy towards Africa. This explorative study uses Ghana and the United Republic of Tanzania (hereafter referred to as Tanzania) as test cases to compare and critique the post-Cold War foreign policy of the US towards Africa. It does this by first analysing and constructing the theoretical material on the three pillars of the US Africa policy (oil, democracy and security) and subsequently, contemporaneously locating the US relationship with Ghana and Tanzania. Largely, the study carries a historical sensibility as it traces the US relationship with Ghana and Tanzania from as far as the colonial era. History is crucial in this regard because the past provides a sound basis for understanding the present and future. To add, in International Politics theory holds sway and history is used as a laboratory. In this thesis, the researcher proposes Afrocentricity as an alternative theoretical paradigm crucial in understanding US foreign policy towards Africa. As it shall be seen, such a paradigm (theoretical lens) remains critical in highlighting the peculiarity of the US relationship with Ghana and Tanzania. It is envisaged that a deeper understanding of the US foreign policy towards Ghana and Tanzania is achievable when its analysis and interpretation is located within a broader continental context of Africa. To realise the purpose of this study, the researcher relies methodologically on interdisciplinary critical discourse and conversations in their widest forms. With reference to the test cases for this study, the agenda for democratic consolidation features prominently on both of them while oil is only applicable to Ghana in this regard. In contrast, Tanzania distinguishes itself both as a victim of terrorism and equally so as a strategic partner on the US anti-terrorism efforts in East Africa. Yet, oil in West Africa’s Ghana is important for the US both as an economic resource and a strategic energy source during wartime periods. Overall the ‘differential’ foreign policy towards individual African states is also a significant observation which dispels the myth of a universal US foreign policy framework. Keywords: Africa, Afrocentricity, democracy, East Africa, foreign policy, Ghana, oil, security, Tanzania, United States of America, West Africa.

This thesis attempts to describe the role of the British Admiralty&rsquo / s oil related naval policies from 1909 to 1914 in the formation of British oil diplomacy in the northern hinterlands of the Persian Gulf. On the basis of this attempt, it examines the precise beginning of oil security concerns of Britain and its articulation on the southwest Persian and Mesopotamian oil basins in light of the transition of the Royal Navy from coal to oil burning internal combustion engines. It delineates the interconnectedness of the issues relating to the significance of oil in British naval developments and naval supremacy and her clash of interests with the other Great Naval Powers, which had significant interest in oil rich Mesopotamia and southern Persia. By 1914, the Admiralty, through its exceptional relations with the Anglo-Persian Oil Company in the hinterlands of the Persian Gulf became an important actor in the government&rsquo / s involvement in the oil industry. This thesis, suggests that the Admiralty was the political demand channel in the processes of British imperial expansion under the spread of new imperialism in general, and in the consolidation of fuel oil security in particular. The study will be a contribution to the academic literature on the history of naval powers in Turkey.

中共改革開放後，經濟快速發展，能源需求高漲。自 1993 年成為石油淨進口國，石油消費量不斷擴大，產量卻無法大幅提升，石油供給不足的缺口正逐步擴大，對進口原油的依賴成為中共國家安全的潛在威脅。因此中共試圖以國有石油企業「走出去」到海外投資的能源外交政策，以達成供應安全、油源多元化目標。 本文以政治經濟途徑分析中共能源外交政策的發展，探討中共政府如何形成側重能源供應面的石油戰略，何以藉由國有石油企業海外投資做為政策工具，而發展出來的能源外交政策。如何推動能源外交政策以保證石油供應安全？中共能源外交活動究竟取得什麼樣的成果？又將面臨多大的挑戰？透過這幾個研究問題的驗證，本文認為中共能源外交活動以國家安全為主軸，以政府力量扶持三大石油企業海外投資活動，在某種程度上是代表國家力量的擴張，儼然成為國際能源體系不安全的因素，導致無法確保石油供應安全。未來中共能源安全策略雖仍以國家安全、經濟民族主義為基調，但可預見中共將更加積極參與國際能源貿易活動與國際能源組織，建構具有中國特色的能源外交政策。 關 鍵 詞：能源、能源安全、石油安全、中共外交、能源外交 英文關鍵詞：Energy, Energy Security, Oil Security, China's Foreign Policy , Energy Foreign Policy

中國自1993年後成為石油淨進口國，而伴隨經濟持續的高度成長，石油消費亦逐年增長，中國面臨威脅未來發展的資源短缺危機。而隨著國力的崛起，中國領導人、企業紛紛走向世界，融入國際體系，其中以中國石油產業的擴張最受矚目。本文擬從國家現實主義為出發點，探討中國在面臨石油安全威脅之際，所展現出的石油外交戰略與意圖，將全球產油區分為四大中國正進行佈局的戰略區，包括中東與北非、中亞和俄羅斯、東南亞與南海、南北美等四區，探討中國官方與企業的外交與商業作為，從中分析其在各區域及整體所面臨挑戰，進而研判中國石油外交未來發展方向。 / China has become an oil net importer since 1993. Because China’s economic growth is leaping continuously, its oil consumption has increased year by year. China’s development in the future is threatened by resources shortage as China rises, Chinese leaders and enterprises make efforts to integrate into international community. The expansion of Chinese oil industries especially draws the world’s attention. Based on national realism, this paper will discuss how China implements oil diplomacy and oil strategy to cope with its oil security threat by dividing main oil producing areas in the world into four regions, include Mideast and North Africa, central Asia and Russia, South Asia and South China Sea. Judging from the government’s diplomacy and the enterprises’ business activities, I will analyze challenges facing in each area and as a whole to find out the trend of China’s oil diplomacy in the future.

本文要旨在回答中國大陸的能源戰略是如何形成，並探討此一戰略如何影響中國大陸的石油安全。本文主從歷史制度主義的觀點主張中國能源體制是決定中國的石油戰略最重要的因素。解釋中國的能源部門在經濟改革與國際化的內、外部環境下，產生制度變遷，進而形成不同時期的石油戰略。在回答中國大陸日益龐大的石油需求與進口石油依賴，使得政府制訂出提升能源使用效率、節約能源、能源多元化與確保海外石油供應 但由於中國為保護國有石油企業的壟斷角色，對於「迎進來」的市場進入條件設下許多條件限制，對外又採取積極的石油外交，使得國際社會對中國產生重商主義與保護主義的疑慮。 中國的能源部門自1980年以來已經歷幾個階段的改革，第一階段是從1982年至1987年，強調要計畫經濟為主、市場力量為輔的能源制度改革；第二階段是從1988至1992年，重點在於國有企業的改革，鼓勵國有企業集團化；第三階段是從1993至1997年，重點在政企分離，並把配置資源的基礎性職能轉移給市場；第四階段是從1998至2002年，重點在加強國有資產的監管與國有企業經營，並初步建立宏觀能源調控體系；第五階段則是自2003年以降，主要的改革目標在建立跨部門的能源協調機制與對外的競爭力。 本文但由於「漸進主義」式的制度變遷使得能源部門體制改革仍存在許多問題，諸如能源部門分散、能源監管部門眾多、國家安全思維與既得利益等，使得政府部門考量其能源安全時，政府干預仍多於市場思維，即便自改革開放以來國家能力已不斷衰退。但在能源辦與發改委能源局的人力有限以及能源部門缺乏效率的情形下，擁有龐大資源的三大國有石油企業（中石油、中石化、中海油）無疑「挾持」政府的決策，例如理論上中央政府可完全控制與審核國有企業的海外投資，但實際國有企業通常是在海外投案案定局後才通知發改委與國務院。中國的能源決策中的缺乏效率常來自於既得利益者的把持，而不願在整體的政治與經濟政策上肩負起更多的政策責任，例如中央政府與國企對於戰備儲油到底由誰出資的內部爭論。 未來中國的能源戰略會持續採取「迎進來、走出去」的方向；近年來政府試圖改革其能源決策程序，透過建立跨部會的決策協調機制試圖重奪能源決策的主導性，因此於2005年5月正式成立「能源領導小組」，並積極透入政府能源白皮書與能源相關法案的草擬，政府的舉動等於是將能源政策的制訂再度「中央化」。未來中國能源戰略的最大挑戰仍來自於能源體制能否深化改革，並且制訂出對外、對內策略一致的能源戰略，以因應中國未來的石油需求以及消減國際社會的疑慮。 / The new facet of global oil politics and China’s surging oil demand have forced the Chinese government and state-owned enterprises to secure foreign oil supplies and to implement energy efficiency. However, systemic level or state-centered theories have provided limited theoretic orientation to explain China’s state behaviors and foreign behavior. It is essential to explore China’s energy institution and energy strategy behind its quest for oil security. That is, China’s foreign strategy should be put into broader context of China’s institutional evolution and domestic/foreign energy policy-making process. This research applies historical institutionalism to look at history evolution of China’s energy institution and energy strategy (especially oil strategy). Chinese energy institution has experienced four main stages of institutional evolution since 1980s. The main themes of four stages have emphasized different administrative, institutional, and energy goals. Meanwhile, institutional critical junctures and feedbacks (formation and reproduction) also have existed in every stage. The first phrase (1980-1992) emphasized how to integrate market forces into China’s bureaucratic institution with socialist characteristics and the market oriented reforms faced several institutional challenges due to necessity of central planning; the second phrase (1993-1997) was characterized by slight and limited institutional restructuring within the energy sector because market force did not gain political support from the leadership. The Chinese government established both the State Energy Commission (SEC) (1980-82) and the Ministry of Energy (MOE) (1988-93) in the wake of acute energy shortages to re-centralize authority over the energy sector. However, neither institution could effectively coordinate and implement energy policy, partly because they could not overcome the vested interests in sectional industries. The third phrase (1998-2002) was characterized by radical institutional reforms on conglomerating SOEs and delimiting administrative power. The National Development and Reform Commission (NDRC) along with the Energy Bureau within it have taken over full governmental regulatory and public sector responsibility from SOEs. However, NDRC functions not as powerful as SOEs do. Therefore, the fourth phrase (2003 until now) then put attention on the establishment of a super-ministerial interagency, revivification of administrative power, and emphasis of foreign competitiveness. The establishment of State Energy Leading Group (SELG) aims at regaining strong central authority and to correcting turbulent oil strategies made on a base of institutional constraints. Above all, China’s institutional evolution is characteristic of state-regulated marketization, limited property right reforms, strategic preference, and departmentalism in China’s energy sector since 1980s. The institutional evolution has constrained China’s energy institution from planning a long-term national energy strategy. China’s energy sector continuously confirms institutional formation by the support of highest leadership and mainstream ideology, and confirms institutional reproduction between the directive and liberal forces, between the government and market forces. Meanwhile, international responses to China’s hunting behaviors are to play either a conductive role in impelling China’s institutional reforms and in adjusting its foreign behaviors. To prevent serious energy competition and to enhance international cooperation, China has shown its willingness to communicate with other nations on oil issues. However, China also needs to show its determination to implement domestic demand-side measures and a market approach instead of implementing protectionist “welcome-in” and aggressive “going out” policies. Ongoing institutional reforms still determines whether the China’s energy institution will ensure the country’s energy security. In the short term, the establishment of the central authority in the energy sector will improve departmental coordination and policy persistance. However, in the long term, China’s ongoing institional reforms need to integrate more market forces, proceed property right reforms, and reshape relationship between the government and market. Without deeper institutional reforms, energy bureaucrats and SOEs would be dragged into institutional process of formation and reproduction but gain limited results in meeting China’s oil security.