China's increasing geo-economic blow all-inclusive has pulled in remarkable researchconsideration during recent years. As opposed to entirely embrace a national-particular and waysubordinate viewpoint, this paper investigates Chinese economic developments abroad and itsimpact around the world. Data has been collected from some reliable resources and it’s beenreviewed and analyzed by the researchers. This paper gives a deeper insight of Geoeconomics andfocuses on Industrial policy, export and strategic trade of China. Furthermore, the influence ofChina’s growing geo-economic has been discussed in detail.

There were several changes from the global point of view during last decades. The European Union has enlarged itself by more than half of new members and it represents the biggest area of free trade in the world. Political integration of this unique international organization has also taken a place by accepting new treaties. Russia after the breakup of the Soviet Union overcame with the legacy of this empire and not only due to its geographical area is one of the world superpower now. The Balkans was from the historical view area of clashes between European powers and it is valid until now. The European Union has offered to Western Balkans countries full membership on behalf of Stabilisation and association agreement. On the other hand Russia expands its mainly economic interests with regional overlap and that's why the researched region swelled its geopolitical and geoeconomic significance. Thesis called "Balkans as geopolitical and geoconomic area between the European Union and Russian Federation" separated up to three connected parts. Theoretical and methodological part anchors thesis from theoretical perspective, presents operationalization of variables and defines the hypothesis. The most quantitatively extensive analytical part, which is divided into two parts, is focused on application of...

This Master thesis takes its point of departure in the contemporary debate on the separation of the foreign policy strategies geopolitics and geoeconomics. Contrary to previous literature which analyzes geostrategies from the perspective of the operating state, this study offers a different perspective by shedding light on how the target (state) perceives and respond to a particular geostrategy. In doing so, it attempts to understand why a target treats a commercial project as geopolitics despite the project’s manifest geoeconomic character. By looking at Sweden’s geopolitical approach regarding the building of the Nord Stream 2 pipeline, the aim is to challenge a theoretical framework on geoeconomics and geopolitics which theorizes that certain geostrategies give rise to pre-determined behavioral paths. The method employed is a qualitative content analysis that uses open-coding to capture the essence of the Swedish parliament’s approach to the issue. Based on the analysis, there are signs of both geopolitical and geoeconomic effects with regards to the Swedish behavior. Territorial concerns regarding Slite port and increased energy dependence on Russia were in particular articulated throughout the debate as ways to block the pipeline. These frames were, however, to a large extent based on Russia’s previous aggressive behavior in Ukraine in 2014. This finding suggests that geostrategies cannot be fully understood without placing them in relation to crucial previous events. Ultimately, although an operation is geoeconomic by nature, the target may identify it as geopolitics if the operating state has displayed aggressive behavior in the past. Geopolitics and geoeconomics are as a result difficult to separate as distinct foreign policy strategies.

The thesis analyses Russian economic statecraft in relation to Armenia. The thesis is focused on two areas, namely the Russian response to the foreign policy orientation of Armenia and its significant internal political changes. The aim of the thesis is to compare the extent to which Russia uses economic mechanisms on both levels. The thesis draws on Baldwin's concept of economic statecraft, focusing on the Russian "carrot and stick" policy. In the foreign policy area, the economic tools that Russia used in attempt to influence Armenia's decision in its dilemma between European and Eurasian integration are analysed. In the internal policy area, the thesis is focused on major events from 2015 to 2018, which to some extent also affected the Russian side. Positive incentives and coercive methods applied by Russia during this period are also examined. An analysis of the Russian "carrot and stick" policy has pointed out that Moscow is more strongly involved in foreign policy of Armenia if it feels an immediate threat to its interests. Russia applies positive incentives in situations when it needs to reduce internal tensions in Armenia, which may also be directed against Moscow. If there are major internal political changes in this South Caucasus republic, yet without serious foreign policy implications,...

Since 2014, the United States has been imposing sanctions on the Venezuelan government in an attempt to accomplish foreign policy goals that would be beneficial to its geopolitical interests in the region and help the Venezuelan people in the process. This research offers a comprehensive empirical analysis of these sanctions. It aims to identify the effects of US sanctions in Venezuela, as intended by the foreign policy goals of the United States, and to measure the effectiveness of sanctions in accomplishing these goals. Additionally, this research seeks to explain the geopolitical strategy of US sanctions as seen through the lens of geoeconomic theory. It will detail the US intensions of generating regime change, restoring democracy, and improving human rights in Venezuela. More specifically, it will reveal the role of sanctions in acting as a geopolitical tool to fulfill these intentions. Ultimately, the research will show how sanctions and companion policies are intended to improve the US-Venezuela relationship that has declined since the time of Hugo Chavez.

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L'apogée de l'Empire britannique au milieu du XIXe siècle coïncide, au niveau économique, avec le début d'une période de libre-échange qui s'est progressivement imposé comme une doctrine centrale et comme un facteur essentiel de la puissance britannique. Organisés autour de la City, les réseaux du commerce et de la finance internationale se sont transformés en un instrument géopolitique pour l'expansion territoriale de l'Empire. L'intersection entre les dimensions économiques et les aspects stratégiques a constitué l'élément fondamental du projet de la nation britannique, offrant ainsi un lien entre l'histoire intérieure et l'histoire extérieure du Royaume-Uni. Fruit de la Pax Britannica, ce lien n'a été que partiellement remis en question par la Première Guerre mondiale. Celle-ci a toutefois contribué à créer les conditions économiques et politiques qui finiront par produire un nouveau projet pour la nation britannique. / The pinnacle of the British Empire in the middle of the XIX th century coincides with the beginning of an era of economic free-trade that progressively stood out as a crucial doctrine and as an essential factor of British power. Organized by the City, the networks of the commerce and the international finance became a geopolitical instrument for the imperial territorial expansion. The junction between the economic dimensions and the strategic considerations was the central element of the British national project, offering a link between the domestic history and the foreign history of the United-Kingdom. Borne during the Pax Britanica, this link was but partially questioned by the First World War, which, contributed, however, to create the political and economic conditions that will lead to a new project for the British nation.

冷戰時期，蘇聯對印度支那半島政策的變化，是東南亞地區穩定的重要變數之一。蘇聯解體後，俄羅斯聯邦獨立，並且繼承原蘇聯所有的國際義務與權力。問題在於，在當代東南亞多元權力互動的格局中，俄羅斯在其間扮演何種角色？普丁政府在面臨國內外局勢變化之下，能否恢復俄羅斯（前蘇聯）在東南亞的國際政治利益？ 本文試圖透過地緣經濟分析途徑，來觀察冷戰後俄羅斯在普丁時期對東南亞政策之形成背景、主要內涵，以及互動關係。本文認為，隨著冷戰終結和亞太國際局勢之變化，亞太地區主要政治力量都在調整自身的政治、經濟、外交和安全戰略。為了保障區域安全、和平與穩定，東南亞國家加速東協整合及擴大的腳步，期望在政經及安全問題方面達成共識，並力求獲得區域事務的主導權和影響力。俄羅斯與東南亞諸國發展關係在於保障國家經濟利益的實現，進而追求在亞太地區中取得優勢地位，最終完成大國地位的目標。 首先，本文探討自蘇聯解體後俄羅斯獨立以來，俄羅斯外交思想、地緣戰略思想之演變與俄羅斯亞太政策的關係。同時，回顧蘇聯最後一任領導人戈巴契夫、俄羅斯前任總統葉爾欽及現任總統普丁亞太政策的變遷重點，旨在檢視俄羅斯對東南亞政策的歷史脈絡時，有比較清晰的政策變動觀點以供分析。 其次，本文討論俄羅斯（包括前蘇聯）與東南亞主要國家的雙邊關係，而以政治、經濟、軍事及文化等面向為分析層次，依次觀察和分析雙邊關係所呈現的特色和問題。研究分成俄羅斯與傳統邦交國和俄羅斯與美國盟國兩部份，分析雙邊關係合作的原因、過程、變動和影響。 最後，藉由回顧前蘇聯與東協關係的發展歷程，探討俄羅斯與東協國家之多邊政治對話、經貿及軍事關係，主要目的在瞭解普丁政府對東南亞地區各國間多邊關係之態度、立場及政策。 / During the cold war, Soviet involvement in Indochina Peninsula was one of the crucial factors which affected the political stability in Southeast Asia. After the disintegration of the Soviet Union, the Russian Federation gained independence and inherited all the privileges and obligations of the former Soviet Union in the international arena, but the situation in Indochina and Southeast Asia has changed a great deal. What role does Russia play in this important geopolitical region? Given the new domestic and international realities, will the Putin government regain the political interests and influence which the former Soviet Union once possessed in this region? Through geo-economic analysis, this thesis tries to explore the main contents of the Putin government's policy toward Southeast Asia, its formation background and the establishment of multi-lateral relationship with the major countries in this area. We observe that, with the end of the Cold War, and facing a different international situation, all the major political entities in SE Asia are making adjustments on the political and economic fronts, as well as in foreign and security policies. For the sake of regional security and stability, SE Asia countries have accelerated the expansion and integration of the ASEAN organization to secure its leadership in the regional affairs. From the Russian point of view, economy is no doubt a major factor which influences it policy formation in recent years. Starting from the pursuit of national economic interests, Russia also hopes to regain the status of a major player in this region, as the former Soviet Union once had. To start with, we study the evolution of Russian foreign policy and geopolitical thoughts and its relation to Russia's Asian Pacific policy. Also, we review the changes in the Asian pacific policies during the years of Gorbachov, Yeltsin, and Putin. The aim is to gain a clearer view of the factors which affected the making of the policies. Secondly, we discuss the bilateral relationships between the major countries of SE Asia and Russia (and also the former Soviet Union), which include political, economic, military, and cultural aspects. We try to extract the special features and problems in these bilateral relationships. This studies is divided into two parts, one includes countries which were traditional allies of the former Soviet Union, while the other includes countries which belonged to the opposite camp - aligned with the USA. We study the major driving factors and the historical steps which resulted in the establishment of full bilateral cooperation between Russia and various SE Asian countries. Finally, after a review of the relationship between the former Soviet Union and ASEAN, we investigate Russia's establishment of multi-lateral dialogue with ASEAN countries on political, economic, and military fronts. The aim is to understand the motive and policy of the Putin government in the area of multi-national cooperation in SE Asia.

Global economic integration and urbanisation are two of the main processes which characterise contemporary globalisation. Urbanisation is so pervasive that urban landscapes now stretch far beyond the traditional city limits such that the city may no longer be the most appropriate unit to reflect how contemporary urban life is organised. Today, city-regions even mega city-regions are considered by some to be the primary spatial scale at which competing political and economic agendas are convened. Moreover, proponents of the new regionalism believe that decentralisation of state power is producing new forms of political economic regulation at supranational and subnational levels which are more appropriate for effective governance. However, it is argued that the geoeconomic logic for city-regionalism is focused too narrowly on the functional economic side of regional development, thereby overlooking how city-regions represent geopolitical constructions both of, and inside, the state. This thesis therefore aims to explore the constitutive role of politics in the construction of mega city-regions. The starting point is to complement North Atlantic accounts of city-regionalism by focusing on the geopolitics of city-regionalism in China. Using the Yangtze River Delta mega city-region as its case study, this thesis stresses that theories of new city-regionalism must increasingly be derived from, rather than applied to, the Chinese case. It is revealed how the unprecedented rate of city expansion, scale of urbanisation, and context of a highly centralised, one-party state, produces a distinctly Chinese city-regionalism that requires a combination of new conceptualisation, alongside refinement and modification of existing theories on mega city-regions.

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