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  • About
  • The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers to find electronic theses and dissertations. This service is provided by the Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations.
    Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
11

The US Power Position: An Analysis of Foreign Policy Elite Interpretations

Trogstam, Marie January 2003 (has links)
<p>It is rather undisputed that the United States has maintained its position of global primacy since the end of the Cold War. According to the current Bush- administration and the US National Security Strategy, this power will be used to fight terrorists as well as to encourage free and open societies on every continent. With this position held by the government, it becomes essential to know more about the US power to better understand world politics. What opinions an American foreign policy elite has on international politics in general and on the US power in particular, can be consideredto have a certain influence on the US governmental policy making and is hence an interesting object of analysis for an improved knowledge of the US power position. This thesis aims to analyse different foreign policy elite interpretations, both of the present US situation and of what can be expected in the near future. In addition to opinions on the power position itself, the question addressed is whether there seem to be any impact of modern theories of international politics among the elite and if these theories are relevant at all for policy- orientated estimations. The result of the analysis indicates at least some impact of neorealism, neoliberalism and social constructivism, while there tend to be no influence of feminist IR-theory. However, as a base assumption in this thesis, most modern theories of international politics are conceived as partly related to a realist tradition in the field of academics, and this might diminish the influence of the separate theories among the elite. Accordingly, nor can extreme theoretical differences be confirmed, neither can the differences be disregarded. A majority of the foreign policy elite representatives describe the present US position as unrivalled in all critical dimensions, with an unsurpassed military, economic, technological and cultural power. The opinions on the expected power position in the near future are more diverging and suggest different courses of development. However, as long as the US keeps the precedence of interpretation and attracts others to American values and ideas, in addition to a solid base of economic and military strength, the US power position will most probably last for a foreseeable future.</p>
12

中國的中亞能源戰略研究 / China's energy strategy in Central Asia

郭祐成, Kuo, Yu Cheng Unknown Date (has links)
經濟是習近平發展「中國夢」不可或缺的重要支柱,中國在經濟高速發展下,能源消耗量持續激增,缺乏能源將對經濟與社會發展產生負面影響,對外依存度日益擴大,增加石油及天然氣進口,是解決中國能源短缺問題的主要方法。 就中國能源安全而言,外部面臨海外能源來源受周邊地緣政治影響,內部存在能源結構上過度依賴煤炭等問題,而鄰接中國的中亞地區為新興能源中心,與中亞的能源合作能夠減少能源輸入風險、改善能源結構,有助中國克服能源安全的窘境。中亞的豐富能源不僅受到周邊大國的覬覦,也使中亞國家內部生成尋租與貪腐、制度弱化、資金錯配、阻礙長期發展等資源詛咒現象。本論文透過觀察中國與中亞間雙邊貿易、直接投資與大型投資與合約的變化,從國際政治經濟學的視角,分析獲得中國正運用經濟資源在中亞發揮政治影響力,逐步實踐具體的能源戰略。中國藉地緣經濟進入中亞,掌握經濟互補的競爭優勢,以提供中亞國家發展所需資金與基礎建設,並排除區域發展障礙,增進彼此能源合作的機會,達成鞏固中國能源安全的戰略目的。 / A strong economy is the rock of XI Jingpi’s “Chinese Dream”; however, because of the dramatically increasing energy consumption with rapid economic growth, energy deficiency leads to negative economic and societal effects in China. Therefore, in light of aggravated overdependence on energy imports, the major solution for the shortage would be searching for more energy accesses, especially for oil and natural gas. China faces several energy security problems. For example, domestically, China heavily depends on coal as thermal resources. Externally, energy accesses significantly are affected by geopolitics. However, Central Asia, a new but major center of natural resources, not just a neighbor of China, but also a crucial partner in energy cooperation capable of reducing China’s risks of importing resources from other routes, changing Chinese energy structure at present, and finally helping China overcomes the problem of energy security. Abundant resources is not just a blessing making other countries jealous, resources also becomes a curse resulting from rent-seeking, corruption, financial dislocation, etc. in Central Asian countries, and these issues hinder the long-term development in the region. From the international political economy perspective, I observe the change of bilateral trade, foreign direct investment, and major investment contracts between China and Central Asian countries to analyze if China gradually practices its energy strategy through imposing political influence in Central Asia via economic leverages. I find that China encourages energy cooperation with Central Asian countries by taking the advantage of geography and financing investment of infrastructure which both creates a promising environment of development.
13

Teorie public choice a ruský zákaz dovozu potravin / Public Choice Theory and the Russian Food Ban

Savory, Oliver January 2019 (has links)
In this thesis I look at economic statecraft and try to examine why sanctions continue when they are failing, and why countries continue to use them despite debatable claims for success. For example, Hufbauer et. al.'s 2009 analysis shows sanctions only work 34% of the time, Pape (1997) estimates only 5%. Despite this economic statecraft is having a resurgence under the name "geoeconomics". This thesis builds off Kaempfer and Lowenberg's 1988 "Public Choice" theory of international economic sanctions. It hypothesises that in certain cases the domestic interests will be the primary goal of sanctions and therefore should be the primary focus of judging the success or failure of sanctions. Russia's 2014 food import ban is analysed to show that, despite failure to achieve any international goals, it is being successful at achieving the domestic goal of supporting Russian agriculture. The implications being that all current quantitative analysis of economic sanctions have potentially incorrectly measured sanctions as failures by not measuring them against the actual goals of the policies. Further research into this area to establish just how often sanctions are used primarily for domestic reasons, but even sanctions where domestic goals are only of secondary importance, their existence still needs to be...
14

Reconsidering the EU as a Geoeconomic Actor : A Critical Discourse Analysis of the internal debate regarding a New Industrial Strategy for the European Union

Boström, Lukas January 2021 (has links)
In recent years there has been a growing internal debate within the EU regarding the direction of its trade policy. Circled around the understanding of a geoeconomic development within the international economic sphere, the Union is divided in terms of how to best respond in this proclaimed situation for ensuring its future success and prosperity. Where the European Commission has adopted several protectionist measures at the same time as upholding its liberal route one may ask what this implies for the future, as well as what the underlying forces behind this trend are, which is part of the general aim of this study. Previous research has provided both rationalistic and constructivist approaches to analyzing EU’s trade policy agenda, where rationalistic approaches has investigated to which degree trade policy has been politicized and constructivists more focused to understanding to which degree ideas, norms and values has contributed to the Commission’s legitimization and continuation of liberal trade politics. However, the area of discourse(s) role in this nexus is left relatively unexplored. With use of the IR theories of Realism and Liberalism as well as the methods of Critical Discourse Analysis and Norman Fairclough’s three-dimensional framework for critical discourse analysis, this paper examines the main respective arguments of the debate regarding a New European Industrial Strategy, through three dimensions of discourse(s): as text, discursive practice and social practice. Findings suggests that realist discourses have gained traction within the Commission at the same time as it is constrained by institutional and integrational discourses, which are factors that indeed may result in troublesome years to come.
15

Russia’s Arctic Economic Development : An Evaluation of the 2008-2020 Policy

Mollestam, Erik January 2023 (has links)
This qualitative study has evaluated the economic development progression in the Russian Arctic over the 2008-2020 time-period. Departing from the qualitatively formulated official objectives in the Russian Federation’s Policy for the Arctic to 2020 (signed in 2008), this investigation sought to trace the implementation process and analyse the extent in which they have been met. A geoeconomic theoretical framework was used to guide this study through a dual case-centric process tracing and policy evaluation methodology. The data in this investigation mainly originated from news sources, think tanks, Arctic-specific foundations, and official reports from the Arctic Council and the Nordic Council of Ministers. The investigation was not hypothesis driven but rather attempted to assess the extent to which Russia’s stated objectives corresponded with the economic reality in the Russian Arctic region. The investigation has focused on three separate but interrelated elements of the regional economic development, namely maritime activity, hydrocarbon resource development and demographic trajectory. The analysis found that economic activity in the Russian Arctic regions has increased over the time-period and the stated policy objectives are to be considered fulfilled.
16

現階段中國對韓半島政策:以地緣經濟學觀點分析 / Contemporary Chian's Policy toward Korean Peninsula: A Geoeconomic Perspective

河凡植, Ha, Bum Sig Unknown Date (has links)
進入21世紀以來,隨著經濟全球化和地區經濟一體化的深化,中國推動韓半島政策,對外戰略而言含有諸多作為:第一、謀求擴大經濟利益;第二、作為地緣經濟戰略夥伴;第三、作為主導東北亞地區地緣經濟合作的管道。 為此,中國著眼於中、韓、朝三方的國家發展需求和地緣經濟互補性,謀求加強與南北韓政治經濟合作的發展,同時,以三方之間地緣經濟合作優勢確保其在韓半島的影響力,在此基礎上,中國謀求消除韓半島安全不確定性,牽制美國影響力和日本勢力。從此觀點來看,中國對韓半島政策就是中國對外戰略的出發點。 從地緣經濟戰略觀點而言,中國與韓半島關係不僅與中國營造發展經濟良好周邊環境有關,而且中國在中韓、中朝關係上具有政治經濟合作利益空間,因而中國加強與南韓政治領域合作交流,透過以經濟條件拋棄北韓邊緣政策,謀求維持韓半島和平與穩定。另外,中國利用與韓半島地緣經濟所長,加強與南北韓經貿合作,深化南北韓對中國經濟依存度,進而通過中國對南北韓的經濟優勢,主導中韓、中朝的地緣經濟合作,確保對韓半島的戰略優勢與影響力。 中國對韓半島政策的目標,將韓半島作為中國發展經濟戰略的管道,謀求地緣經濟利益最大化,透過提升在韓半島的影響力,使得韓半島走向中立化。中國對韓半島實施地緣經濟政策以來,中國與南北韓關係日益密切,在某種領域上,中國已經超越周邊大國的影響力。 在政治與安全領域,中國與南北韓透過領導人和高層人士進行頻繁互訪、建立相互對話機制或設立熱線管道,提高相互信任,加強雙方關係、謀求地區安全和發展。在經濟上,中國引進為自身經濟建設所需要的資金、高技術及礦物資源,而提供為南北韓經濟成長所需的巨大出口市場,尤其是中國也提供北韓經濟所需的原油和工業產品。由此,最近幾年來,中國成為南北韓對外貿易最大夥伴,與此同時,引起南北韓經濟對中國依存度的深化,因而,中國對韓半島的影響力正在擴大。 / Since the start of the 21st century, with constant intensification of the process of economic globalization and regional economic integration, China has pursued much-evolved Korean Peninsula policy for its own strategic goals as following: First, to strengthen its own economic interest; Second, to make the geoeconomic partnership with the two Koreas; Third, to make the partnership as the leverage for regional strategy. For the sake of securing economic common interest and geoeconomic complementarities with the two Koreas, China seeks to develop the cooperative relationship with North and South Korea. At the same time, China seeks to ensure its influence on the Korean Peninsula by using its geoeconomic advantage on the Korean Peninsula. Based on the relations, China hopes to remove the destabilizing factors in the security on the Korean Peninsula, and seeks to restrain American influence and Japan’s power. From this viewpoint, China’s Korea Policy is the starting point of China's foreign policy. From the perspective of geoeconomic strategy, the relationship between China and the two Koreas are much important with regard to building favorable environment for economic development. At the same time, the relations of China-South Korea and China-North Korea have economically and politically beneficial space. Therefore, on the one hand, China has been strengthening political cooperation with South Korea, and China has been forcing the North Korea to abandon the brinkmanship diplomacy by using economic inducements through cooperation with South Korea. As a result, it was designed for maintaining peace and stability on the Korean Peninsula. On the other hand, by utilizing the geoeconomic advantage with the two Koreas, China has strengthened the economic cooperation with the two Koreas; it has deepened the two Koreas’ economic dependency on China; As a result, it has been taking the lead in geoeconomic cooperation with the two Koreas; and it has been securing its strategic advantage and influence over the Peninsula. The objective of China’s Korea policy is to make the Peninsula be the ditch of China’s economic development; to maximize its geoeconomic interest; besides, to make the Koreas become neutralizing by taking advantage of geoeconomic influence. Since the implementation of China’s geoeconomic policy on the Peninsula, its relations with the two Koreas have become much closer. In some realms, China surpassed neighboring big powers’ influence. In the realm of politics and security, China has pursued the mutual confidence building by the means such as reciprocal visits, mutual dialogue mechanism and hot-line setting with the leadership of the two Koreas for the sake of strengthening of the bilateral relationship and securing of the regional security. And, in the realm of economy, while China brought in investment and high technology from the South side and the mineral resources from the North side, it provided the huge export market for the Peninsula, especially the crude oil and industrial products for the North. Recently, China has become one of the two Korea’s biggest trade partner. Consequently, the two Koreas’ economic dependency on China has been deepening and China’s influence on the Peninsula has been expanding.
17

The US Power Position: An Analysis of Foreign Policy Elite Interpretations

Trogstam, Marie January 2003 (has links)
It is rather undisputed that the United States has maintained its position of global primacy since the end of the Cold War. According to the current Bush- administration and the US National Security Strategy, this power will be used to fight terrorists as well as to encourage free and open societies on every continent. With this position held by the government, it becomes essential to know more about the US power to better understand world politics. What opinions an American foreign policy elite has on international politics in general and on the US power in particular, can be consideredto have a certain influence on the US governmental policy making and is hence an interesting object of analysis for an improved knowledge of the US power position. This thesis aims to analyse different foreign policy elite interpretations, both of the present US situation and of what can be expected in the near future. In addition to opinions on the power position itself, the question addressed is whether there seem to be any impact of modern theories of international politics among the elite and if these theories are relevant at all for policy- orientated estimations. The result of the analysis indicates at least some impact of neorealism, neoliberalism and social constructivism, while there tend to be no influence of feminist IR-theory. However, as a base assumption in this thesis, most modern theories of international politics are conceived as partly related to a realist tradition in the field of academics, and this might diminish the influence of the separate theories among the elite. Accordingly, nor can extreme theoretical differences be confirmed, neither can the differences be disregarded. A majority of the foreign policy elite representatives describe the present US position as unrivalled in all critical dimensions, with an unsurpassed military, economic, technological and cultural power. The opinions on the expected power position in the near future are more diverging and suggest different courses of development. However, as long as the US keeps the precedence of interpretation and attracts others to American values and ideas, in addition to a solid base of economic and military strength, the US power position will most probably last for a foreseeable future.
18

Inherentní nestabilita finančních trhů / Inherent instability of financial markets

Hladík, Jan January 2016 (has links)
The main aim of this presented diploma thesis is to help build a systematic understanding of the political and social foundations of global financial markets, their operations and impacts on the global power affairs. The thesis highlights the dynamic complexity of the post financial crisis state of the World with its itra- and inter-social features. It instrumentaly uses critique of a free market agenda and neo-classical economy which contrasts the Efficient Markets Hypothesis with Hyman Minsky's Financial Instability Hypothesis (FIH), taking into account the dynamic complexity of financial markets. This approach offers analytical tools that can account for crisis through processes endogenous to contemporary financial capitalism. I shall argue that a financially complex system is, according to the FIH, inherently flawed and unstable. After a theoretical and historical review, the thesis discusses various aspects of the process of austerity regime and its social consequences. This provides an opportunity for analyses of the ongoing existence of interstate competition, of militarised foreign policy, and of other international, at times violent conflicts. In an effort to make sense of some of these phenomena, I instrumentaly use the study of geoeconomics that builds on some fundamental assumptions...
19

Territorio e vitivinicoltura nell'Oltrepò Pavese: dall'indagine geostorica alle sfide attuali della geoeconomia / Territory, grape growing and wine making in Oltrepò Pavese: From a geographic investigation to the challenges of the modern global economy

MAFFI, LUCIANO 17 February 2009 (has links)
La ricerca analizza l’evoluzione della vitivinicoltura nell’Oltrepò Pavese quale elemento caratterizzante il paesaggio di questo territorio. Tale settore produttivo risulta essere una delle principali attività svolte nell’area in esame e ne caratterizza l’economia, il paesaggio collinare, le tradizioni e le forme identitarie, specialmente nellla zona centro-orientale, ossia nei territori che gravitano sui centri urbani di Casteggio, Broni e Stradella. Il lavoro si propone di approfondire anzitutto la valorizzazione della tipicità e del locale, riassunti e rappresentati nel termine terroir, che indica l’insieme degli elementi geomorfologici, climatici, antropici e culturali che rendono unico un prodotto (in questo caso il vino), mettendo così il locale al centro di un’analisi che si può estendere poi a riflessioni di ordine generale. L’indagine geografica ha studiato gli aspetti ambientali e quelli antropici, nonché le loro relazioni. Si è fatto riferimento ai fattori geologici, pedologici e climatici, che altresì sono gli elementi imprescindibili degli studi di «zonazione» che si occupano proprio dell’interazione tra viticoltura e ambiente. L’indagine geostorica-territoriale si è rivolta soprattutto ai seguenti temi: il paesaggio vitivinicolo; i tipi di vitigni impiantati e i relativi sistemi di coltivazione; le produzioni e la commercializzazione del prodotto; la rappresentazione delle proprietà e del territorio attraverso i catasti. Inoltre si approfondiscono i temi geoeconomici sia a scala globale sia a scala locale, grazie alla rielaborazione delle informazioni relative al settore produttivo. Il contesto locale pertanto è confrontato con quello regionale, nazionale e globale, al fine di comprenderne i legami, soprattutto in relazione alle attuali sfide geoeconomiche. / In this thesis we analyse the evolution of grape growing and wine making as two of the elements which have contributed to the shaping of the landscape in the Oltrepò Pavese and represent two of the main economic activities of this geographic area, with is often identified with them – particularly in the mid-western part, i.e., the areas around the towns of Casteggio, Broni and Stradella. My main goal is to investigate the ways in which the values of locality and typicity – represented by the term terroir – are promoted. “Terroir” stands for, and comprises, a number of elements such as geo-morphological and climatic features, as well as human and cultural factors, all of which contribute to the uniqueness of a product like wine. My research thus starts from, and gives prominence to, the local level, in order to formulate a set of observations from which more general conclusions may then be drawn. The geographical investigation focusses on the environmental and human factors as well as their interrelationships. In its course, we refer to factors such as geology, pedology and climate, the crucial elements of all studies of «zoning», which describe precisely the complex interaction between grape growing and the environment. The geo-historical analysis concentrates especially on thematic areas such as the landscape; the varieties of grape that are planted and the respective growing techniques; the production and marketing of the produce; the ways in which property boundaries and the territory have been represented in land registries. The geo-economic factors, at both the local and global levels, are investigated through the analysis of the data from the production sector. The local context is thus compared to the regional, national and global ones in order to better understand the nature of their interactions and provide useful insights in relation to the challenges posed by the current geo-economic scenarios.
20

Les nouveaux défis et enjeux de la politique étrangère de la France en Afrique francophone subsaharienne / The new challenges and issues of the foreign policy of France in French-speaking Sub-Saharan Africa

Gomis, François 26 November 2014 (has links)
Des années 1960 jusqu’à la fin de la guerre froide, voire au-delà, l’influence voire la prépondérance de la France sur les territoires francophones d’Afrique noire est presque totale. Cependant, en ce XXIème siècle naissant, la compétition mondiale dans la recherche de nouveaux débouchés et de la sécurisation de l’approvisionnement énergétique amène inexorablement les grandes puissances à entrer en ‘‘conflit d’intérêts’’ par la pénétration réciproque des « arrière-cours ». Ceci est particulièrement vrai pour la France qui voit des pays tels que les Etats-Unis, la Chine, l’Inde, le Brésil, la Turquie, les pays du Golfe, etc., faire une entrée fracassante dans une région géographique qu’elle considère depuis longtemps comme sa « chasse gardée » compte tenu des liens historique, linguistique et politique. Ces nouveaux défis et enjeux pour la politique africaine de la France se mesurent désormais, à l’aune des transformations à l’œuvre sur la scène internationale avec la mondialisation et l’émergence de nouvelles puissances du Sud. Les défis et les enjeux sont importants pour l’action extérieure de la France et sa place dans le monde, compte tenu de la concurrence féroce des nouveaux acteurs et des changements des sociétés africaines en cours. Néanmoins elle possède encore des atouts économiques, diplomatiques et stratégiques susceptibles de lui permettre d’élaborer, grâce à l’espace culturel francophone, un projet original, ambitieux et porteur d’espoir. Pour ce faire, il faudra répondre aux deux interrogations suivantes : Comment réformer cette politique traditionnelle basée sur des relations étroites et privilégiées avec les dirigeants africains sans toutefois compromettre les avantages comparatifs de la France sur place? Quelle stratégie politique mettre en œuvre pour identifier les véritables intérêts communs des Français et des Africains francophones, en tenant compte des opportunités et des menaces, et les développer dans un partenariat mutuellement bénéfique ? / From 1960s to the end of the cold war, even beyond, the influence even the supremacy of France in the French-speaking territories in Sub-Saharan Africa is almost total. However, in this 21st century, the world competition in the research of new markets and the security of the energy supply leads inexorably the great powers to enter in “conflict of interests” by the mutual penetration of the “back-yards”. This is particularly true for France which has countries such as the United States, China, India, Brazil, Turkey, the Gulf Arab States, etc., to make a dramatic entrance in a geographical area where she judged it for a long time as her “exclusive domain” considering the historical, linguistic and political links. These new challenges and issues for the African policy of France are measured from now on, in the light of the transformations at work in the world with the globalization and the emergence of new powers of the South. The challenges and the issues are important for the external action of France and its place in the World, considering the fierce competition between new stakeholders and the ongoing African society changes. Nevertheless it still has economic, diplomatic and strategic assets which enable him to elaborate, thanks to the francophone cultural center, an original project, ambitious and promising. With this aim in mind, it will be necessary to answer to the two following questions: How to reform this traditional policy based on close and privileged relationships with African leaders without compromising, however, the comparative advantages of France on the spot? Which political strategy has to be implemented in order to identify the real common interests of the French and the French-speaking Africans, by taking into account the opportunities and threats, and to develop them in a mutually beneficial partnership?

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