無 / Since Beijing launched its “open doors policy” of economic reform in the late 1970s, China has registered a sustained economic growth, which made it one of the world’s leading economies, the world’s fourth biggest economy. By early 2000s, China has not only become an economic giant, with huge markets, cheap manpower, the main destination of foreign direct investments, but China has also become a world class political power whose influence is unceasingly growing, in Asia and all over the World. Africa, a continent often said to be marginalized and “unimportant” in the international arena is also becoming a much more coveted region by China in recent years. Not only does China intend to strengthen its “historical partnership” with Africa, but it also seeks to have access to Africa’s largely unexploited oil reserves, other raw material, and market. China’s increasing activities in Africa reflect China’s growing power and its desire to build partnerships and influence and to have access to oil supply sources. The purpose of this study is to try to answer the question “to what extent the rise of China as a global power in world politics is impacting Africa?” Meanwhile, we will also try to answer some subsidiary questions: What Africa could expect from the rise of China? What are China’s interests in Africa? And what are the implications of the rise of China for the relationship between Africa and Western Countries. The method used for this study consists of analyzing secondary data in order to assess and explain the rise of China and its impact on Africa. This research concludes that the rise of China does have positive and negative impacts on Africa. China’s booming economy and its growing demands for oil and minerals constitutes an opportunity for African countries’ exports as well as a source of investments. However, China’s rise is also a source of problems for African economies as the flood of cheap Chinese products to Africa and the international markets could cause the loss of jobs and undermine the industrialization of the continent. Finally despite its growing presence in Africa, it is unlikely that China would replace the West as dominant power in Africa, at least in the near future.

China's increasing geo-economic blow all-inclusive has pulled in remarkable researchconsideration during recent years. As opposed to entirely embrace a national-particular and waysubordinate viewpoint, this paper investigates Chinese economic developments abroad and itsimpact around the world. Data has been collected from some reliable resources and it’s beenreviewed and analyzed by the researchers. This paper gives a deeper insight of Geoeconomics andfocuses on Industrial policy, export and strategic trade of China. Furthermore, the influence ofChina’s growing geo-economic has been discussed in detail.

中國崛起是21世紀最重要的國際事務之一。在經濟上，澳洲是世界上最極為倚重中國的國家。雖然中國崛起對澳洲尤其重要，但目前仍沒有足夠的研究涉及這個議題。有鑒於此，本篇論文應用跨學科---經濟與非經濟---的方法評估中澳經濟之前瞻。本研究認為，從經濟角度看，未來中澳的關係有利。然而目前澳洲政府管理中國崛起的策略不善，可能是雙邊貿易面臨的主要威脅，以致損害未來的經濟環境，以及澳洲對中國的觀感。本論文之結論顯示亞太必須積極地管理中國崛起的重要性，並提出政策建議供給澳洲及其他國家參考 / The rise of China is one of the most monumental events in the 21st Century and important to all states in the Asia-Pacific. The rise of China is specifically pertinent to Australia’s future as Australia is the world’s most economically dependent economy on China. This thesis evaluates the future of Australia-China trade from an interdisciplinary perspective considering both economic and non-economic approaches. The thesis looks at the future of Australia-China trade in an economic sense by analyzing descriptive trade statistics. This is the first analysis of Australia-China trade of this type and the first application of the Herfindahl-Hirschman index. The thesis finds that the future of Australia-China trade is very good and the rise of China poses significant opportunities for both states. The thesis goes on to consider how the process of the rise of China has been managed in Australia by the government of Australia. The thesis argues that the main threat to trade is the government of Australia’s poor management of the rise of China, which is showing signs of damaging the conditions of economic exchange and creating a negative perception of China in Australia. The implications of the analysis and the need for states to be proactive in their management of the rise of China is especially pertinent for many states in the Asia-Pacific. The thesis concludes by providing a range of recommendations for Australia and China to help improve the management of the rise of China to enable a more beneficial world.

Thesis advisor: Robert S. Ross / The United States military is currently carrying out a transformation in its war fighting strategy aimed at countering threats to America and maintaining a long term balance of power. As the lone superpower in the world, the United States seeks to secure its global supremacy by dealing with threats to the status quo in all regions of the world. In recent years, the major target of this transformation has been the rise of China, an event that could destabilize both the East Asian balance of power and the global one. The goal of this transformation is to improve upon American capabilities and deployment time to structure our forces in a way that allows them to be rapidly deployable to almost anywhere at any time. At the same time, the U.S., through a series of unilateral deployments, forward positioning of troops and equipment, and a restructuring of regional alliances in East and Southeast Asia, the United States is actively working to promote a peaceful rise of China. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2007. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: College Honors Program.

Pivot or Rebalance to Asia-Pacific is a foreign policy launched by the Obama administration at the end of 2011. The essence of the Pivot is that the U.S. recognizes Asia-Pacific as the most dynamic and fastest growing region in the world that will decide the future of global politics and that the U.S. - as a Pacific power - is going to be right at the center of the action. The policy is best described as a set of initiatives ranging from strengthening the U.S. bilateral ties in the area and rebalancing some of the U.S. military assets form other theatres Asia- Pacific to engaging the regional multilateral organizations and negotiating new trade deals - especially the Trans-Pacific Partnership - to foster the regional prosperity. The Pivot to Asia policy, is however, quite controversial as while it is welcome by some Asian countries, it is criticized by China that sees it as an attempt to contain its rise. The policy has now been in place for almost three years. It has evolved since its launch to be less conflictual towards China, however amid the continuing Chinese disputes with its neighbors over the maritime claims at China`s maritime periphery, some observers still question the efficiency of the policy. Moreover, with the continued defense budget cuts, many question that the U.S. is going to be...

History of international relations suggests that rising power brings challenges and creates unstable environment in the international system. This thesis deals with the rise of China and its implications to the East Asia region. China has experienced massive economic growth over the last few decades which is likely to influence the dynamics not only of the region, but also of the international system as a whole. There is an ongoing discussion in the academic literature regarding the rise of China. In this thesis, the offensive neorealism theory of John J, Mearsheimer is employed. This paper focuses on the region of East Asia, namely to Japan, South Korea and Taiwan. Since the region is heavily penetrated by the US power, its position is also discussed. The question is how China will behave when it gets more powerful and what strategies the neighbouring countries choose in order to deal with China's rising power. The theory assumes that rising great power strive to dominate its region in order to establish regional hegemony. The main aim of this thesis is to examine whether or not the aforementioned states act according to the prism of offensive neorealism.

自1978年以來，中國走上了改革開放的道路，伴隨著連年高幅度的經濟成長，國際地位大幅上升，讓中國從自19世紀以來的羸弱走向富強，「中國崛起」這個概念，已經被當前世界各國普遍接受。而正當眾人的目光置於中國崛起的同時，印度也同樣有著突出的表現。若中國是繼美國以後，下一個有能力主宰世界的強權，那印度則就是在中國之後下一個潛在的強國繼任者。做為毗鄰而居的兩個發展中國家，同時又是新崛起的大國，中、印關係受到全世界的矚目，中、印關係對於區域的發展、穩定，乃至於國際權力結構的變化而言，其重要性更是不言可喻。 長久以來，研究中、美或中、俄等大國關係的文獻可謂汗牛充棟，但對於中、印關係的探討卻沒有相稱的比例。面對美國國力的逐漸衰頹，新興的強權將逐挑戰它既有的霸權地位，而這兩個擁有廣大市場及發展潛力的國家，都剛好有著此般的潛能。在可預見的未來，中、印關係的發展趨勢，必將是重要的研究課題。 面對中國崛起所帶動的區域經貿整合與發展，印度調整了對中國的外交方略，以務實的合作取代長期不友好的競爭關係，並從政治、軍事、經貿甚至逐漸外溢至能（資）源、反恐乃至於氣候變遷等非傳統安全等領域，兩國的合作態勢趨於明朗與頻繁；而就另一方面來看，源自於雙邊互信不足以及結構性矛盾，中、印兩國即使逐步走向合作，但仍舊是競爭關係要較合作關係來的顯著，除了戰略利益上的衝突促使兩國互踏對方的門戶外，美、俄、日等大國間在東亞的競逐，使得中、印間看似的和睦更摻雜了複雜的變數。 鑒於此，本研究嘗試以中國崛起做為背景，希能歸整出中、印兩國在傳統乃至於非傳統安全領域裡，競爭與合作關係的趨勢與消長，並藉由梳理中、印間的競合態勢，預測兩國未來的關係走向。 / Since 1978, China has been on the path of reform and opening-up, accompanied by yearly significant economic growth, as well as fast rising international status. This has enabled China to shed her image as a morbid state since the nineteenth century, and stride toward wealth and prosperity. The concept, “The Rise of China”, has been widely accepted around the globe. But as all eyes are on rising China, India is also a country that has an equally outstanding performance. Supposedly China is the next power capable of dominating the world after the US, then India is the next potential power following the steps of China. China and India, as two adjacent developing countries and rising powerhouses, have the international attention riveted on their relations. It is self-evident that the relations between the two countries is highly important to regional development, regional stability, and even to the structural change of international powers. Over the long term, publications regarding Sino-American relations, and Sino-Russian relations have arguably been abundant. Yet, there is an unproportionally scarce amount of discussion of Sino-Indian relations. With US’s power on the decline, emerging powers will, one after another, challenge US’s current dominance. And the two states, both blessed with a large market and the potential for development, happen to be the potential challengers. In the foreseeable future, the development of Sino-Indian relations will undoubtedly be an important issue for study. Facing the regional economic integration and development brought forth by the rise of China, India has adjusted her diplomatic strategy to China by replacing long-term hostile vying relations with down-to-earth cooperation. The cooperation between the two countries, which has extended from politics, military, economic and trade, to non-traditional security fields such as energy / resources, counter-terrorism, and climate change, has become increasingly clear and frequent. From another aspect, owing to the lack of mutual trust and the structural conflict between the two sides, China and India, though walking toward cooperation, remain more of two competitors than two partners. Aside from territorial invasions caused by the conflict on strategic interest between China and India, the competition in East Asia between world powers such as the US, Russia, and Japan has complicated the seemingly peaceful Sino-Indian relations with uncertainties. Judging from the fact mentioned above, this study attempts to, with the rise of China as the backdrop, sort out the trend as well as the rise and fall of Sino-Indian cooperation in traditional security fields and non-traditional security fields. This study also attempts to predict China and India’s future relations by combing through the cooperation and competition between the two countries.

「中國崛起」是國際社會在討論中共1990年代以來的變化所使用的概念。影響臺灣國家安全的因素雖然很多，但中共政權始終是臺灣國家安全的最大威脅，「中共崛起」後，伴隨其綜合國力的成長，及其擴張的戰略企圖，臺灣問題已經從以往民族情感的統一需求，提升為中共向外擴張的戰略需求，而造成臺灣在安全方面的更大挑戰。 雖然世人對「中國崛起」是否成為威脅的看法分歧，現實主義者認為他是潛在的威脅，主張藉由赫阻等手段維持權力平衡；自由主義者認為讓中國接受國際機制規範，可降低與之發生軍事衝突的可能；建構主義者認為與中國正面的互動會走向和平，但負面的互動會走向衝突；但就臺灣的安全而言，在中共不放棄以武力犯臺的原則下，中共的和平宣示、現實主義、自由主義、乃至建構主義對「中國崛起」的看法與主張，只能當作臺灣在策定國家安全戰略的分析與參考，畢竟中國是否為「和平崛起」需要經過諸多檢驗，臺海安全只能當作國際上對中共行為與和平宣示的驗證；就臺灣本身而言，我們必須堅信中共是我們最大的安全威脅來源。 本文的論述主要從中共崛起的戰略意涵及中共對於未來的戰略企圖，從軍事、經濟、政治、文化層面，解構中共崛起後，臺灣安全威脅的變化，分析臺灣如何在「中共崛起」、「國際、區域」局勢更迭中，從國際、兩岸關係、臺灣內部的軍事、經濟、政治、文化層面，建立臺灣應有的認知共識，與具體的戰略思考。以選擇臺灣「避戰爭之兇、趨和平之吉」的最好方法。 / Many of the ideas of the rise of the PRC come from the new security concept, which was formulated by thinktanks in the international comunnity in the mid-1990s. Concerning unification, China is the single most threat to Taiwan’s survival. Spatial expansion, a result of rising China, is gathering momentum to impact Taiwan security. There are controversial arguments. Rationalist argues that China need to be contained through deterrence. Liberalist argues that in order to reduce potential conflict, China can be tampered through international norms. Constructionist argues that China could be bad or behaving boy. Regarding Taiwan security, these arguments are irrelevant to contemporary Taiwan security. As long as China not to exclude the possibility to use force in the unification, China is the single most threat against Taiwan. Regarding Rising China, this paper exams its implications and her strategic intentions. Finally, facing the threat this article tries to find the most feasible strategy in the regional/global environment with economic, political, military, cultural considerations.

This thesis examines how Shinzo Abe’s historical perspectives on “comfort women” and the Nanjing Massacre are influenced by global demands. Abe’s official account on these issues have been affected by pressures to reconcile with South Korea and to face China’s rise for strategic reasons. This originates from sources including think tanks such as the Center for Strategic and International Studies and media. Joseph Nye’s concept of soft power will provide the theoretical background to analyze Abe’s views on both issues. The existence and method through which these pressures are applied will be detailed and explored. This research will hope to contribute to the understanding of historical memory in the Asia-Pacific and how it remains an issue that undergoes changes in the current political climate. / Graduate

摘要 本研究採用賽局理論 (stag-hunt model) 來推論假設南海海上交通線 (SLOCs) 安全合作的情形．根據結果顯示，爭奪南海的國家，其解決衝突最好的策略應以合作的方式來提昇無論是在石油進口、貿易活動以及該地區船隻航行等方面的安全性。 為縮短假設情境與現實情況的差距，一方面，我們找出海上交通線安全合作之難點：主權、資源、和軍事發展；另一方面，也提出能促進其合作的正面因素：舊有的海上聯合巡邏、非傳統安全合作相關領堿、以及未來的南海行為準則 (SCS COC)。 最後我們介紹了「南海太平島提案」，試圖建立與協調新的海上聯合巡邏來降低該地區的緊張關係，建立彼此之間的信任，並改善衝突的情況。 根據本研究結論表示，我們的研究發現以及一些政策將能協助實施南海海上交通線安全的合作。 / Abstract This research applies game theory (stag-hunt model) to a hypothetical situation of cooperation on Sea Lines of Communication (SLOCs) protection in South China Sea (SCS). The results indicate that, in theory, the best option for all disputant countries in the issue is to cooperate in order to increase the security of their oil imports, trade, and ships crossing the region. To overcome the gap between the theoretical model and the reality, we have identified those factors that will hinder the implementation of cooperation on SLOCs protection, sovereignty, resources, and military development; as well as those that can be used to counterbalance the effect of negative ones, previous joint maritime patrols, non-traditional security cooperation, and the future South China Sea Code of Conduct (SCS COC). Finally, we have presented the South China Sea Peace Island Initiative, a proposal to coordinate and create new joint maritime patrols in the region as a mean to reduce tensions, build confidence, and improve the relationship between disputants. We conclude presenting the main findings of this research, as well as those policies that will be useful to implement cooperation on SLOCs protection in SCS.