Thesis (Ph.D.)--Murdoch University, 2005. / Thesis submitted to the Division of Arts. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 279-295).

中國崛起是21世紀最重要的國際事務之一。在經濟上，澳洲是世界上最極為倚重中國的國家。雖然中國崛起對澳洲尤其重要，但目前仍沒有足夠的研究涉及這個議題。有鑒於此，本篇論文應用跨學科---經濟與非經濟---的方法評估中澳經濟之前瞻。本研究認為，從經濟角度看，未來中澳的關係有利。然而目前澳洲政府管理中國崛起的策略不善，可能是雙邊貿易面臨的主要威脅，以致損害未來的經濟環境，以及澳洲對中國的觀感。本論文之結論顯示亞太必須積極地管理中國崛起的重要性，並提出政策建議供給澳洲及其他國家參考 / The rise of China is one of the most monumental events in the 21st Century and important to all states in the Asia-Pacific. The rise of China is specifically pertinent to Australia’s future as Australia is the world’s most economically dependent economy on China. This thesis evaluates the future of Australia-China trade from an interdisciplinary perspective considering both economic and non-economic approaches. The thesis looks at the future of Australia-China trade in an economic sense by analyzing descriptive trade statistics. This is the first analysis of Australia-China trade of this type and the first application of the Herfindahl-Hirschman index. The thesis finds that the future of Australia-China trade is very good and the rise of China poses significant opportunities for both states. The thesis goes on to consider how the process of the rise of China has been managed in Australia by the government of Australia. The thesis argues that the main threat to trade is the government of Australia’s poor management of the rise of China, which is showing signs of damaging the conditions of economic exchange and creating a negative perception of China in Australia. The implications of the analysis and the need for states to be proactive in their management of the rise of China is especially pertinent for many states in the Asia-Pacific. The thesis concludes by providing a range of recommendations for Australia and China to help improve the management of the rise of China to enable a more beneficial world.

The U.S. has been building the security umbrella in Asia-Pacific after the World War II, from Japan and South Korea in the north, to Philippine, Thailand, Australia and New Zealand in the south, to protect its homeland security and interests in Asia-Pacific from communist threat like Communist China. When the Cold War ended which saw the decline of USSR as a world power, the U.S. security umbrella continues but it now faces a new challenge posed by the rise of China. While Australia is part of the security umbrella of U.S., it is quite different from Japan, South Korea, Philippine and Thailand. Australia is a state with cultures and values similar to the West but is geographically located in Asia-Pacific. It has huge territory that ranks top 6 in the world but sparsely populated with only around twenty one million people. Trade contributes significantly to its economic development due to its relatively small population and abundant resources. China's influence is rising after its economic reform. China has been the most important trade partner of Australia since 2007. However, when Australia seeks a wider bilateral interaction with China, it is expected that this will have an impact on the Australia-United States bilateral relations. The concept of a ¡§Strategic Triangle¡¨ has been used in this dissertation to observe the changes of the Australia-United States-China relationship in different stages. The national interests approach is applied to interpret the importance of relationships of Australia-United States and Australia-China to Australia. Therefore, the contents of Australia¡¦s national interests and Australia's foreign policies are explored first. Then, the bilateral relationship between U.S.-China is examined for its impacts on Australia¡¦s choices between U.S. and China. The Australia-U.S. relationship and Australia-China relationship are also examined respectively to understand the rationale behind Australia's approach toward U.S. and China. Finally, Australia's strategies are reviewed and the possible strategic choices for Australia are discussed. The strategic choices made by Australia could be interpreted from the Australia-U.S.-China triangular relationship.

Despite Australia enjoying good relations with both the United States and China at the moment, the long-term prospects are uncertain due to US-China strategic rivalry. The aim of this thesis is to examine Australia’s ability to continue strong relations with both countries over the long-term. The thesis concludes that Australia may be able to maintain good relations with the US and China in the long run despite US-China strategic rivalry. The strategic competition only increases the prospect of conflict; it does not mean a US-China conflict is bound to happen. Although the risks of a US-China military confrontation over Taiwan are real, the chances are small due to America’s continued strategic presence in the region and its military preponderance. If a Sino-US conflict were to occur, Australia would most likely side with the US despite China being economically significant to Australia. The United States is also critically important to Australia’s economic interests and, ultimately, Australia’s national security depends on its alliance with the US. Survival is the foremost goal for a state in the anarchical international system and security interests outweigh economic interests in importance in a time of crisis.

Despite Australia enjoying good relations with both the United States and China at the moment, the long-term prospects are uncertain due to US-China strategic rivalry. The aim of this thesis is to examine Australia’s ability to continue strong relations with both countries over the long-term. The thesis concludes that Australia may be able to maintain good relations with the US and China in the long run despite US-China strategic rivalry. The strategic competition only increases the prospect of conflict; it does not mean a US-China conflict is bound to happen. Although the risks of a US-China military confrontation over Taiwan are real, the chances are small due to America’s continued strategic presence in the region and its military preponderance. If a Sino-US conflict were to occur, Australia would most likely side with the US despite China being economically significant to Australia. The United States is also critically important to Australia’s economic interests and, ultimately, Australia’s national security depends on its alliance with the US. Survival is the foremost goal for a state in the anarchical international system and security interests outweigh economic interests in importance in a time of crisis.

This thesis addresses a gap in research regarding South Australian china painting. Although china painting has been practised in Australia for the last 120 years and is held in major Australian collections, it has been little researched and then in a minor role associated with ceramics and studio potters, or as women’s art/craft. The china painters too, have been little researched. My research identifies the three ‘highs’ of the changing fortunes of china painting, and how the practice survived in between. I argue that it was first taught in the city’s School of Design, Painting and Technical Art in 1894 as a skill for possible industrial employment, due to the initiative of School Principal, Harry Pelling Gill. However china painting classes were discontinued by 1897 due to an economic depression and the fact that the anticipated industry did not eventuate. In 1906 china painting classes were reinstituted in the (re-named) Adelaide School of Art and teacher Laurence Howie was pivotal in that revival. China painting classes ceased during the First World War while Howie served overseas in the Australian Forces, but resumed in 1923 after his return and appointment as Principal of the (renamed) School of Arts and Crafts. The resulting change in the fortunes of china painting was the outcome of the School’s appropriate training in art and design, and I argue this enabled emerging professional female artists to confidently exhibit china painting alongside their fine art. I will devote a chapter to the important role of the South Australian Society of Arts in facilitating this important public exposure of china painting. The Second World War marked a decline in popularity of china painting. Chapter 5 traces its survival till it burst into popularity again in 1965. Further chapters describe china painting’s following meteoric rise in fortune and the role played by the South Australian teachers of the art/craft, few of whom had received formal art training. I argue that china painting became a conservative social craft, but nonetheless a serious hobby, pursued by married, middle-class women who strongly believed their work was art, not craft. I will point out how they were visited and influenced by entrepreneurial American teachers, politically active in the art/craft debate in the United States of America. Chapter 8 will chart the steps taken by Australian teachers in the 1980s to break from the American influence and regain an Australian identity in teachers’ organisations and iconography. I will describe the debates that ensued following experimental work exhibited by avant-garde Australian teachers to resolve the art/craft debate regarding china painting in Australia, and the difficulties of maintaining china painting momentum as the majority of practitioners became elderly women. This thesis identifies education of the practitioners as a key factor throughout South Australian china painting history as a way of better understanding the place of china painting within the decorative arts. China painting is currently in decline; nevertheless, as I will point out in my conclusion, there are several future pathways it could take. Only within recent decades have curators and writers shown an increased interest in women’s decorative arts, including china painting. It is timely to undertake research before existing documentation of china painting is lost. / http://proxy.library.adelaide.edu.au/login?url= http://library.adelaide.edu.au/cgi-bin/Pwebrecon.cgi?BBID=1374281 / Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Adelaide, School of History and Politics, 2009

This thesis addresses a gap in research regarding South Australian china painting. Although china painting has been practised in Australia for the last 120 years and is held in major Australian collections, it has been little researched and then in a minor role associated with ceramics and studio potters, or as women’s art/craft. The china painters too, have been little researched. My research identifies the three ‘highs’ of the changing fortunes of china painting, and how the practice survived in between. I argue that it was first taught in the city’s School of Design, Painting and Technical Art in 1894 as a skill for possible industrial employment, due to the initiative of School Principal, Harry Pelling Gill. However china painting classes were discontinued by 1897 due to an economic depression and the fact that the anticipated industry did not eventuate. In 1906 china painting classes were reinstituted in the (re-named) Adelaide School of Art and teacher Laurence Howie was pivotal in that revival. China painting classes ceased during the First World War while Howie served overseas in the Australian Forces, but resumed in 1923 after his return and appointment as Principal of the (renamed) School of Arts and Crafts. The resulting change in the fortunes of china painting was the outcome of the School’s appropriate training in art and design, and I argue this enabled emerging professional female artists to confidently exhibit china painting alongside their fine art. I will devote a chapter to the important role of the South Australian Society of Arts in facilitating this important public exposure of china painting. The Second World War marked a decline in popularity of china painting. Chapter 5 traces its survival till it burst into popularity again in 1965. Further chapters describe china painting’s following meteoric rise in fortune and the role played by the South Australian teachers of the art/craft, few of whom had received formal art training. I argue that china painting became a conservative social craft, but nonetheless a serious hobby, pursued by married, middle-class women who strongly believed their work was art, not craft. I will point out how they were visited and influenced by entrepreneurial American teachers, politically active in the art/craft debate in the United States of America. Chapter 8 will chart the steps taken by Australian teachers in the 1980s to break from the American influence and regain an Australian identity in teachers’ organisations and iconography. I will describe the debates that ensued following experimental work exhibited by avant-garde Australian teachers to resolve the art/craft debate regarding china painting in Australia, and the difficulties of maintaining china painting momentum as the majority of practitioners became elderly women. This thesis identifies education of the practitioners as a key factor throughout South Australian china painting history as a way of better understanding the place of china painting within the decorative arts. China painting is currently in decline; nevertheless, as I will point out in my conclusion, there are several future pathways it could take. Only within recent decades have curators and writers shown an increased interest in women’s decorative arts, including china painting. It is timely to undertake research before existing documentation of china painting is lost. / http://proxy.library.adelaide.edu.au/login?url= http://library.adelaide.edu.au/cgi-bin/Pwebrecon.cgi?BBID=1374281 / Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Adelaide, School of History and Politics, 2009

This thesis examines the geopolitical consequences of China's search for energy resources on the Indian Ocean and South China Sea. It provides a brief outline of the energy situation of the world as a whole, specifically how it is becoming a more globalized and singular market. This change is occurring at the same time as a pronounced shift away from the traditional measurements of 'power' towards 'softer' more subtle definitions. There is a brief section outlining the geopolitical teachings of Alfred T. Mahan, specifically how he advocated seapower primarily for the purpose of providing the stability and security necessary for trade. Chinese analysts have been embracing the teachings of Mahan, but also interpreting them in a way that justifies the naval buildup Beijing has been embarking on in recent years. The paper briefly looks at the potential sources that China could turn to meet its energy needs, but concludes that it will have to rely on oil for the foreseeable future. It then attempts to define overall Chinese interests, specifically how nearly all of these relate somehow to energy security, thus underlining the importance of this topic to leaders in Beijing. The last half of the work delves into a geopolitical analysis of the Indian Ocean and South China Sea, and how militarization in the...