Thesis (M.S. in Defense Analysis)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2009. / Thesis Advisor(s): Rothstein, Hy. "June 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on July 13, 2009. DTIC Identifiers: Strategic combined joint special operations, special operations, common interest, national interest, intelligence sharing, division of responsibilities. Author(s) subject terms: Strategic Combined Joint Special Operations, common interest, national interest, intelligence sharing, interoperability, division of responsibilities. Includes bibliographical references (p. 63-67). Also available in print.

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This thesis explores whether the Kyrgyz Republic has operated in its national interest during the post-September 11, 2001 era by examining the Kyrgyz government’s decisions in the cases of the American and Russian military installations leased within Kyrgyzstan. It uses a Realist approach to “national interest” and explains whether and how the Kyrgyz Republic’s decisions increased its defense capabilities, improved its financial situation and created a better political environment in which to operate. The study employed news sources in English and Russian, recently released U.S. State Department diplomatic cables, qualitative analyses by regional experts and quantitative data from government bodies. I contend that it is consistent with Kyrgyz national interest to close the American base while maintaining the Russian military presence; the Russian Federation’s support of the Kyrgyz Republic is apparently conditional on expulsion of the American bases. The analysis suggests that a more thorough understanding of how the Kyrgyz Republic conceptualizes its national interest can help international policy makers formulate more effective strategies to collaborate with it. / Master of Arts

Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Europe and Eurasia))--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2009. / Thesis Advisor(s): Yost, David S. Second Reader: Moran, Daniel. "December 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 28, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Britain, United Kingdom, France, Germany, ESDP, ESVP, European Security and Defense Policy, European Security and Defence Policy, European Union, Foreign policy, St. Malo, National interest, Priorities. Includes bibliographical references (p. 89-94). Also available in print.

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A massive open-cast coal mine was proposed for Phulbari in 1994, with the support of the government and international financial organisations. Threatened by displacement, the apparently powerless community mobilised against the mine. Allied with the national and the transnational activist organisations, they successfully stopped the mine. This remarkable success is the subject of the thesis. This resistance is compared quantitatively with the incidence of protests in 397 other mines in the South Asia. Predictors of protest include density of population, proportion of area under forest cover, and ownership by a multinational company. These factors alone would predict a high probability of protest in Phulbari. To understand how the resistance unfolded and why it was successful, the thesis relies on ethnographic evidence. I conducted participant observation and interviewed sixty-four individuals in Phulbari and Dhaka in Bangladesh and in London. Mobilisation against the mine can be explained in part by dialogic framing. Local challengers continuously opposed the dominant discourse of development. Crucially, they shifted their identity to legitimize their opposition to the mine by tagging it with nationalism. As a result, local resistance established links with national left-wing activists. Mobilisation culminated in a mass march of 70,000 in 2006, which was fired on by government forces, with several casualties. Repression failed to quail the resistance. Continued mobilisation was motivated by emotional responses like anger, and facilitated by cultural practices like the obligatory funeral procession. Media reports of the repression catapulted the resistance on to the global stage. This alone is not sufficient to explain the formation of a transnational alliance against the mine. This was maintained by the presence of a large community of Bangladeshi living in Britain, and the mediating role of the left-wing activists in Bangladesh; both groups could translate between locals and western NGOs. This transnational coalition impeded the mining company by targeting international financial organisations, Western governments, the government of Bangladesh, and investors in London. As a result, the company’s share price has collapsed and there seems little prospect of the project proceeding.

This study argues for the need to ensure that host countries derive appropriate benefits from natural resources exploited within their territories. In this regard, the most important return from petroleum extraction, is from the fiscal take. Taxation of the extractive sector is thus a major revenue source. The host country interest from the extractive activities is in parallel to the interest of investor countries to share in the revenues derived from investments in the extractives sector by entities from those countries. Further, the capital exporting countries assert interest in protecting the investors from the risks associate with foreign investments, particularly in developing host countries. Historically, International Oil Companies enjoyed an upper hand in negotiating investment protection and stability terms as a result of information asymmetries. Many agreements concluded between the investor entities with developing host countries have been askew and overly favourable to the investor to the extent of endearing unconscionability. This study reveals that Tanzania's existing Production Sharing Agreements contain fiscal terms which do not allocate an appropriate share of financial benefits to the host country. It also reveals that arrangements to protect and provide investment stability have employed terms which are inimical to the economic and social well-being of the Peoples of Tanzania, for example through the excessive and wasteful grant of tax concessions. It was observed that Tanzania has offered fiscal terms to IOCs that do not allow the country to enjoy appropriate benefits from the exploitation of its natural resources. This project, therefore, establishes the effect of stabilisation terms as embedded in the Tanzanian fiscal regime, what redress measures should be sought to correct the imbalance and inequitableness engraved in the abusive use of stabilization arrangements through the PSAs.

This research is in response to the current debate on aid in Australia. The debate focuses on the volume of money allocated to aid rather than the impact. While Australian aid is still far from the UN commitment of 0.7 per cent of gross national income, this focus has kept public debate superficial and has deflected attention away from the more important discussion: is aid achieving outcomes and impacting positively in areas identified by developing countries as essential for their sustainable development. / The release of the first Annual Review of Development Effectiveness provided the impetus to investigate whether the newly formed Office of Development Effectiveness (ODE) will introduce changes that will improve Australia’s approach to aid. Framed within national interest, development and aid literature, this research analyses what limitations, if any, there are to reform of aid policies and practices in Australia. / The thesis concludes that the potential for the ODE to significantly improve the effectiveness of Australia aid is limited. It is one of many voices – including the powerful national interest agenda furthered by foreign policymakers – shaping Australian aid policy and practice. However, the furthering of Australian national interest – narrowly defined as security and economic considerations – through the aid program is at the expense of poverty alleviation objectives. This negatively affects how the development ‘problem’ is framed and thus the focus of aid policy. Furthermore, efforts to prioritise national interest considerations undermine the adoption of ‘good’ practice essential for sustainable development. / This is a political reality that is unlikely to change. Thus, the role of the ODE is to provide recommendations within this restricted framework. However, it is only through scrutiny, discussion and debate that the discrepancy between ‘good development’ in theory and in practice can be narrowed. This should also be the role of the ODE.

The aim of this paper is to answer the question how the possible entrance of Serbia into EU fits into definition of national interest on the Serbian political scene. First, the theoretical formulation of the concept "national interest" is laid out. The second chapter includes description of fundamental foreign and political issues, which had to be solved after the fall of the previous regime. The third chapter characterizes current Serbian political system and programmes of main political parties. The fourth chapter compares official goals of the government with public opinion polls as regards the entrance of Serbia into EU. The second part of the paper is dedicated to description of particular steps of Serbia towards full membership and respective attitudes of political parties.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:19:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Alexandre Akio Motonaga.pdf: 558538 bytes, checksum: cd5c0647f8e92d6f9d09dd10f2d00076 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-10-21 / This paper's main objective is to extract the Federal Constitution of 1988 the principle of national interest. This is a principle implied, which is already in the current Federal Constitution, but that should be identified, interpreted and constructed. On the other hand, started with the premise that a Constitution drawn up democratically and with the participation of representatives of the people is an instrument that informs the general will of the Brazilian people. Thus, the principle of national interest, together with other constitutional principles relating to foreign relations, form a subsystem of international relations that, together, bind and obligate the government in the formulation and execution of Brazilian foreign policy. In this context, governments should also take into account public opinion, which is changing the face of the recent and profound changes in the Information Age / Este trabalho tem como objetivo principal extrair da Constituição Federal de 1988 o princípio do interesse nacional. Este é um princípio implícito, que já se encontra na atual Constituição Federal, mas, que deve ser identificado, interpretado e construído. Por outro lado, partiu-se do pressuposto de que uma Constituição elaborada de forma democrática e com a participação de representantes do povo é um instrumento que informa a vontade geral do povo brasileiro. Dessa forma, o princípio do interesse nacional, juntamente com outros princípios constitucionais atinentes às relações exteriores, forma o subsistema das relações internacionais que, em seu conjunto, vinculam e obrigam os governantes na formulação e execução da política externa brasileira. Nesse contexto, os governantes devem ainda levar em conta a opinião pública, que se encontra em transformação face às recentes e profundas mudanças da Era da Informação