Kulturen kring skidåkning i Sverige är väldigt stark, och utförsåkning är ett fritidsintresse som många svenskar delar. Sporten kan utföras på många olika platser runt om i landet, dock finns det vissa unika platser där just skidåkning är det främsta syftet med platsen. Dessa platser kallas skidorter och präglas av att de erbjuder unika möjligheter till skidåkning. För att möjliggöra besöken av dessa orter krävs det även att besökarna har någonstans att bo. De byggnader som upprättas på denna typ av plats kan ha karaktäristiska drag till följd av att de ska vara optimala för skidåkares upplevelse. Vidare kan processen med dess upprättande påverkas av flertal olika faktorer. Syftet med arbetet är att hitta juridiska och tekniska faktorer som påverkar byggandet av fritidsbostäder på skidorter, samt att analysera vilken effekt dessa kan komma att ha på projekt på denna typ av plats. Arbetet inleds med en litteraturstudie varpå områden inom fastighetsjuridik, fastighetsutveckling och omsättning på skidorter berörs. Därefter har det genomförts en fallstudie, varpå tre av de större skidorterna i Sverige har använts som grund för datainsamlingen. Insamlingen av data har gjorts genom analys av detaljplaner för utvalda områden på orterna, samt genom intervjuer med planarkitekter och exploatör som har en kollpling till orterna. Slutsatsen tyder på att det finns såväl juridiska som tekniska faktorer som påverkar exploateringen på skidorter, och att dessa har olika effekt och utgångspunkt. Det kan bland annat röra sig om riksintressen, terrängens utformning eller att marknaden efterfrågar något som exempelvis en bastu. För att erhålla ett optimalt projekt på denna typ av plats bör alla faktorer tas i beaktning. / The culture of skiing is very big in Sweden, and downhill skiing is a popular activity among swedes. The sport can be performed in a lot of different places around the country, but there are some unique places where skiing is the main purpose of the place. These places are called ski resorts and are characterized by the fact that they offer unique opportunities for skiing. To enable the visits of these places, it is also required that the visitors have somewhere to live. The buildings erected on this type of site can have characteristic features as a result of being optimal for skiers' experience. Furthermore, the process of its establishment can be influenced by several different factors. The purpose of the paper is to find legal and technical factors that affect the construction of recreational homes on ski resorts, and to analyze what effect these may have on projects in this type of place. The work begins with a literature study in which areas within real estate law, property development and sales of ski-passes are affected. The work has then been carried out through a case study, whereupon three of the larger ski resorts in Sweden have been used as the basis for the data collection. The collection of data has been done by analyzing zoning for selected areas of the resorts, as well as by interviews with plan architects and developers who have a cluster to the resorts. The conclusion suggests that there are both legal and technical factors that affect the development of ski resorts, and that these have different effects and starting points. In order to obtain an optimal project on this type of site, all factors should be taken into consideration.

<p> The concept of ideological frontier and boundary, fami liar in the context of ' Cold War ' politics, is appl ied to Botswana , as a case study in political geogr aphy . The study works from two basi c assumptions . Firstly, that there is an inverse relationship between economic dependence and political independence (which in this study is further related to the hostility in the ideological conflict). Secondly, that in a confli ct bet ween riational interest and ideology a stat e gives pri ority to the former . These assumptions are used in the context of Botswana's national development and that state ' s contemporary geopoliticai situation in southern Africa . This situation is characterised by the ideological conflict of racial confrontation. The development of Botswana as a strategically i mportant state is trace d by reference to past political and economic dependencies on other states . An evaluation of the present day dependencies and their effect on Botswana's national goals depends in part on understanding that state's geopolitical situation along an ideological frontier. </p> / Thesis / Master of Arts (MA)

Realism theory provides the most powerful explanation for the state of war and the rise and fall of great powers. It expounds the important concepts and themes like national sovereignty, security, survival, interests, balance of power, balance of terror, alliance, dominance, hegemony and polarity. Realism can be classified as classical realism, structural realism and neoclassical realism. In recent years, liberalism, globalism and constructivism also have greatly influenced academics and policy-makers under the new phenomena of globalization and terrorism. This paper explores how classical realism theory has been applied to and revealed in the issue of American policy towards China. The past years of U.S. relations with China have been marked by many wars and diplomatic issues that bear important messages for contemporary policy-makers. Based upon the most representative incidents in the chronicles, this paper categorizes American relations with China into three periods: period one, from commercialism in 1784 to imperialism in 1899; period two, from dominance in 1900 to confrontation in 1949; Period three, from enemies in 1950 to competitors in 2009. From a brief retrospective of major events that occurred, it is concluded that most incidents are related to national interest and power issues, while only several cases are about ideological disputes. The emergence of China as an economic power within the last few years will shape the world as much as the United States in the late 19th century. As America is the world's greatest power and China is the world's greatest emerging power, the relationship between these two countries will largely determine the history of the twenty-first century. History teaches that such power transitions are inherently fraught with dangers and opportunities. Thus, it would serve the interests of the United States to rethink its relationship with China and make its policies more global and focused on the long term. No matter what happens in China, American policy towards that country should be guided by a clear and firm sense of American national interests.

No description available.

L'apogée de l'Empire britannique au milieu du XIXe siècle coïncide, au niveau économique, avec le début d'une période de libre-échange qui s'est progressivement imposé comme une doctrine centrale et comme un facteur essentiel de la puissance britannique. Organisés autour de la City, les réseaux du commerce et de la finance internationale se sont transformés en un instrument géopolitique pour l'expansion territoriale de l'Empire. L'intersection entre les dimensions économiques et les aspects stratégiques a constitué l'élément fondamental du projet de la nation britannique, offrant ainsi un lien entre l'histoire intérieure et l'histoire extérieure du Royaume-Uni. Fruit de la Pax Britannica, ce lien n'a été que partiellement remis en question par la Première Guerre mondiale. Celle-ci a toutefois contribué à créer les conditions économiques et politiques qui finiront par produire un nouveau projet pour la nation britannique. / The pinnacle of the British Empire in the middle of the XIX th century coincides with the beginning of an era of economic free-trade that progressively stood out as a crucial doctrine and as an essential factor of British power. Organized by the City, the networks of the commerce and the international finance became a geopolitical instrument for the imperial territorial expansion. The junction between the economic dimensions and the strategic considerations was the central element of the British national project, offering a link between the domestic history and the foreign history of the United-Kingdom. Borne during the Pax Britanica, this link was but partially questioned by the First World War, which, contributed, however, to create the political and economic conditions that will lead to a new project for the British nation.

<p>The aim of this thesis is to understand the reasons behind the decision of the United States to stand in opposition to the International Criminal Court. This policy seems to contradict the United States'leading role in international justice and commitment to universal human rights. The opposition to the ICC presents an apparent contradiction between principles and interests, and provokes the question of what role power, identity and principles play in the formation of national interest. </p><p>The author reviews the concept of national interest in International Relations theory. It is found that only a constructivist identity approach takes account of both power and identity in the formation of national interest. The constructivist identity approach presents the concept of national interest as endogenous to social interaction and linked to identity. National interest is thus not seen as an objective analytical concept from which one can derive and explain rational behavior by rational actors, but as the very phenomenon that we are trying to understand. This theoretical framework is firmly located in an understanding tradition. </p><p>In the search for an understanding of why the United States’ decision-makers considered opposition to the ICC to be in the national interest of the United States, role theory serves as a method. The empirical part of this thesis consists of analysis of speeches and statements, and of role conceptions found therein. </p><p>The results of this approach show that the apparent contradiction between principles and interests does not exist. The reason why the behavior examined appears to be contradictory is that the spectator lets his or her own expectations of behavior appropriate for a certain belief or a certain role conception stand as a guide. The only way we can understand the reasons behind a given behavior is by looking at the actors’ view of the problem and what beliefs and role conceptions come into play for the actors when they face a foreign policy issue. </p><p>The analysis makes it clear that the United States views its behavior as contradictory neither to its principles, nor to its perceived roles. Instead, it is the roles of the United States, the sources of which include both principles and capabilities, that are the reasons behind the policy.</p>

The aim of this thesis is to understand the reasons behind the decision of the United States to stand in opposition to the International Criminal Court. This policy seems to contradict the United States'leading role in international justice and commitment to universal human rights. The opposition to the ICC presents an apparent contradiction between principles and interests, and provokes the question of what role power, identity and principles play in the formation of national interest. The author reviews the concept of national interest in International Relations theory. It is found that only a constructivist identity approach takes account of both power and identity in the formation of national interest. The constructivist identity approach presents the concept of national interest as endogenous to social interaction and linked to identity. National interest is thus not seen as an objective analytical concept from which one can derive and explain rational behavior by rational actors, but as the very phenomenon that we are trying to understand. This theoretical framework is firmly located in an understanding tradition. In the search for an understanding of why the United States’ decision-makers considered opposition to the ICC to be in the national interest of the United States, role theory serves as a method. The empirical part of this thesis consists of analysis of speeches and statements, and of role conceptions found therein. The results of this approach show that the apparent contradiction between principles and interests does not exist. The reason why the behavior examined appears to be contradictory is that the spectator lets his or her own expectations of behavior appropriate for a certain belief or a certain role conception stand as a guide. The only way we can understand the reasons behind a given behavior is by looking at the actors’ view of the problem and what beliefs and role conceptions come into play for the actors when they face a foreign policy issue. The analysis makes it clear that the United States views its behavior as contradictory neither to its principles, nor to its perceived roles. Instead, it is the roles of the United States, the sources of which include both principles and capabilities, that are the reasons behind the policy.

China¡¦s behavior towards the intellectual property rights (IPR) regime is a reflection of the tug-of-war between regime and national interest. IPR, a concept foreign to Chinese culture, began to influence China following the reforms of 1978 through both external and internal pressures. This paper attempts to show how the power of international rules and national interests impacts China¡¦s IPR behavior by analyzing its attitude towards IPR negotiations, trends related to its IPR legal framework and enforcement. This analysis can be broken down into three different periods. 1. 1979-1990: Interaction between national interest and international norm. China¡¦s action of both participating in the world IPR regime and the building of a domestic IPR system was to large extent motivated by self-interest. China needed a systematic IPR framework in place to meet its new economic conditions: attracting FDI and technology transfers while protecting indigenous infant industries. However, there is little evidence that China¡¦s actions during this period showed compliance with the global IPR regime. 2. 1990-2000: Moving towards compromise. China¡¦s negotiations with the United States dominated trends in its IPR reform and reoriented China¡¦s national interests. As China¡¦s largest trade partner and hegemon in the IPR issue area, the U.S. played a strong role in making Chinese IPR laws more transparent and aligned with the international standard. For sustaining economic development, China realized it needed to create an environment friendly to foreign investors and protect its growing export industry of patented products, and Chinese leaders therefore conceded to a large part of U.S.¡¦s demands. Nonetheless, the reform mostly focused on the legal system while enforcement was overlooked, continuing the rampant IPR infringement. 3. 21st century: Compliance under the WTO regime. Through its experience in the 1990s, and its membership in the WTO, China¡¦s IPR policies in the 21st century have become more proactive and globalized, implying that China is willing to accept higher degrees of interdependence. In this period, China has strived to conform to TRIPS (Trade-related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights) and has tackled its enforcement problem with a number of practical administrative and judicial policies to help reassure foreign investors and a growing amount of local IPR holders of the security of their IP. In the end however, the analysis in this paper still shows that China¡¦s current IPR protection policies still favor China¡¦s national interests over the interests of the global IPR regime. This paper finds that the global IPR regime has helped to influence a new agenda for the PRC: to pursue a knowldege-based economy as a development goal. China now intends to follow the rules of the global IPR regime. The central government's capability of enforceing IPR policy at every level of government is an important benchmark in examining China's response to the global IPR regime in the future.

Det pågår idag två samhällsomvandlingar i norra Sverige, i Kiruna och i Malmberget, till följd av den expanderande gruvverksamheten där omlokaliseringen kräver att ytterligare mark tas i anspråk. Speciella omständigheter råder i Kiruna där särskilda skydd och bestämmelser föreligger som en följd av den juridiska odlingsgränsen. Syftet med studien är att ge ett brett perspektiv på den unika odlingsgränsen och visa på sambandet mellan den och förvärv statlig mark vid samhällsomvandling. För att uppnå syftet utreddes odlingsgränsens historia, samhällsomvandlingarna och riksintressen samt markförvärvsprocessen och hur denna kan förbättras. Metoderna som användes var litteraturstudie, kvalitativa intervjuer och besök gjordes på plats i Kiruna och i Malmberget för att fördjupa kunskaperna.Staten började ta över en stor del av förvaltningen av den skyddade marken redan på 1500-talet och uppmuntrade en inflyttning till norra Sverige. Begreppet odlingsgränsen uppkom under slutet av 1800-talet för att skydda samerna med rennäring gentemot nybyggarna. Dagens samhällsomvandlingar är omfattande och har stor påverkan på omgivningen där aktörerna anser att utveckling ska gå före avveckling. Runt Kiruna och Malmberget finns flera olika riksintressen att ta hänsyn till vid planeringen, till exempel rennäring och gruvnäring. Gruvnäringen får företräde framför de andra riksintressena på grund av nationalnyttan som den medför. Staten äger mycket mark runt Kiruna och för att få förvärva den krävs ett regeringsbeslut. En ansökan om ett sådant förvärv ska prövas hos Statens jordbruksverk, Länsstyrelsen, berörd sameby och Statens fastighetsverk. Med de många instanserna tar processen lång tid och för att effektivisera processen behövs i första hand kompetenshöjning hos aktörerna och bättre kommunikation. Jordbruksdrift var anledningen till att odlingsgränsen uppstod men idag tjänar den sitt syfte för andra näringar, till exempel turism. / Two urban transformations are in progress in northern Sweden today, in Kiruna and in Malmberget, due to expanding mining operations. The relocation of the two cities requires land acquisition. In Kiruna there are specific conditions due to certain protection provided by the so called cultivation border. The purpose of the study is to give a wide perspective on this unique cultivation border and indicate its association with land acquisition. In order to achieve the purpose of the study the history of the cultivation border, the urban transformations and national interests were investigated, as well as the process of land acquisition and how it can be improved. A literature study, qualitative interviews and visits at Kiruna and Malmberget was used to gain knowledge within the topic.As early as in the 1500s, the Swedish government started to take control of the northern parts of the country and encouraged its colonization. The cultivation border was created in the late 1800s to protect the Sami people and their industry from the settlers. The urban transformations are very extensive and have major impacts on the environment. Involved participants want to construct new areas before deconstructing the old ones. There are several different national interests in Kiruna and in Malmberget areas that have to be taken into account in the planning process. Two of those interests are the reindeer and mining industries. The mining industry takes precedence due to its economic benefits to the whole country. The State owns lots of land in Kiruna and in order to acquire it, the government has to give its approval. An application for such an acquirement must be adjudicated by the Swedish Board of Agriculture, the County Administrative Board, affected Sami villages and the National Property Board of Sweden. The high amount of authorities involved makes the process of aquisition long and an improvement to shorten it is to increase the competence of the involved parties and their intercommunication. The purpose of the cultivation border is still considered to be valid, although today for example the tourism is more important than the agriculturing to protect the Sami people.

It has been 60 years since the Republic of China’s government fled to the island of Taiwan during the Chinese Civil War. Taiwan’s rival on mainland, the People’s Republic of China, is of the view that there is only one China and Taiwan is part of China. In recent years the mainland has reiterated and then formalized its policy to use force if necessary against Taiwan in the name of reunification. Caught between these positions is the United States. Since the Republic of China’s arrival on Taiwan, the United States has provided an external assurance of security for Taiwan. As the People’s Republic of China’s economic, military, and political power grows it will increasingly have the ability to shape issues in East Asia and beyond, therefore challenging United States’ national vital interests. Vital interest is defined as an issue at stake which is so fundamental to the political, economic, and social well being of the United States that it cannot be compromised even if defending it requires military action. Is Taiwan truly a vital interest? Donald Nuechterlein’s 16 national vital interest factors are used to evaluate this question from two angles: a literature review and questionnaire. Much like the United States’ described position of ambiguity toward Taiwan, this study is also inconclusive to the core question, Taiwan’s position as a vital interest in terms of US policy. This conclusion was unexpectedly reached because both analyses scored a virtual 1 to 1 ratio between value and potential costs/risks, thereby providing no differentiation. However, the analysis did reveal issues that should be seriously considered by policy makers when making any final determination on the Taiwan question. Criteria such as the economic and military costs of war are important as well as the fact that Taiwan is fellow democracy and important cog in the regional balance of power. Finally, recommendations provided for more in depth study on Taiwan as a vital US interest may reveal more definitive answers.