This Master thesis takes its point of departure in the contemporary debate on the separation of the foreign policy strategies geopolitics and geoeconomics. Contrary to previous literature which analyzes geostrategies from the perspective of the operating state, this study offers a different perspective by shedding light on how the target (state) perceives and respond to a particular geostrategy. In doing so, it attempts to understand why a target treats a commercial project as geopolitics despite the project’s manifest geoeconomic character. By looking at Sweden’s geopolitical approach regarding the building of the Nord Stream 2 pipeline, the aim is to challenge a theoretical framework on geoeconomics and geopolitics which theorizes that certain geostrategies give rise to pre-determined behavioral paths. The method employed is a qualitative content analysis that uses open-coding to capture the essence of the Swedish parliament’s approach to the issue. Based on the analysis, there are signs of both geopolitical and geoeconomic effects with regards to the Swedish behavior. Territorial concerns regarding Slite port and increased energy dependence on Russia were in particular articulated throughout the debate as ways to block the pipeline. These frames were, however, to a large extent based on Russia’s previous aggressive behavior in Ukraine in 2014. This finding suggests that geostrategies cannot be fully understood without placing them in relation to crucial previous events. Ultimately, although an operation is geoeconomic by nature, the target may identify it as geopolitics if the operating state has displayed aggressive behavior in the past. Geopolitics and geoeconomics are as a result difficult to separate as distinct foreign policy strategies.

The fossil gas pipeline Nord Stream 2 between Russia and Germany has caused massive criticism in the West. At first sight, it appears paradoxical that Germany, an influential member of NATO and the EU, approves more dependence on an increasingly assertive Russia. This, recently after launching an extensive green transformation of its energy system. The grand theories of IR struggles to get a firm grip of the case. This master thesis explores how the political line can be understood, and what it tells us about German foreign policy in a broader context. The study is carried out as a case study, mapping the material circumstances of supply and demand of natural gas, as well as looking into the domestic and international actors involved. Theoretically, the concept of geo-economics is deployed combined with the analytical pair of logic of appropriateness and consequence in decision-making, with the aim to achieve theoretical sensitivity. The premiss of the analysis is that energy security is existential for modern industrialized states and thereby rather obligatory to solve for political leaders to solve. In the specific case do natural gas occupy relative benefits that makes it favourable for Germany. Depleting resources of gas, crummy alternatives, and the historical and present conditions of interdependence, has become evident as key variables behind the decision-making. However, the argument is also made that the specific decision says relatively little about the general democratic and multilateral objectives of Germany. Hence, Nord Stream 2 should be analysed in the light of the unique nature of energy politics and the case specific circumstances. The conclusion is that the political line of Germany regarding Nord Stream 2 should be understood as driven by the pursuit of energy security, in combination with a range of case specific, mostly material, circumstances.

Energy and its policy has been a priority for the EU since its establishment. The EU indicates the competitiveness, sustainability and security of supply to be the core pillars of energy policy, which guide energy projects and their implementations in the EU territory. Nonetheless, disagreements and different opinions on the natural gas transmission pipeline Nord Stream 2 reveal that the solidarity in terms of energy policy is not apparent. Hence, the purpose of this study is to reveal how the framings of the project are constructed by the most vocal actors - the EU institutions, Germany, Poland and Russia – in order to indicate implications of the frames to the future of the project and the EUenergy policy. The purpose of the study is achieved by adopting energy security concept as theoretical lens and frame analysis as a primary method of research. The study reveals that the actors frame the project in terms of energy security dimensions and energy security logics. The study concludes that the actors prioritize security of supply pillar to the largest extent and thus it poses complications to attain a currently core element of the EU energy policy – sustainability, and implement the NS2 project due to the lack of solidarity among actors.

This thesis is about EU energy security in relation to Russia and its proposed Nord Stream 2 project. In this thesis the Copenhagen School theory on securitisation is applied with the help of a combination of content analysis and discourse analysis as methods, which will together with the theory become the framework of this study. While the focal point will fall on EU’s Parliament and how the project Nord Stream 2 is securitised within this EU structure, where the project itself will serve as an exhibitory example of the energy security relationship between EU and Russia. The main findings that are made in this thesis are that the securitising actors in the debate are the countries not the political parties and that Russia, not Nord Stream 2 is the true object of securitisation. In addition to that it was established that there is little unity amongst the EU member states, which is supported by the finding in previous academic studies that have been conducted within the field.

Entrepreneurship is often linked to some of the most compelling economic and social issues of our time and can therefore be emphasised as essential and relevant. This thesis puts entrepreneurial behaviour in the spotlight and adopts the theoretical lens that enterprises may act as rent-seekers, striving to influence the distribution of income and wealth at the political level for their personal benefit. Because the resources expended on political influence can be seen as non-productive, this entrepreneurial behaviour harms innovation, competitiveness, and the economy as a whole. This work is based on two case studies from two institutionally, politically and socially different contexts and aims to understand the rent-seeking behaviour of enterprises under conditions of governance. Accordingly, cases of Anaklia Deep Sea Port in Georgia and Nord Stream 2 in Germany are brought up for further scrutiny and analysis. The study emphasises the relevance of entrepreneurship as a contextual phenomenon and concludes that governance conditions of a country can have different influences on the rent-seeking behaviour of enterprises. Moreover, this study develops a conceptual generalisation and provides opportunities for further studies.

The diploma thesis is focused on the energy security of the European union, specifically on the import of natural gas. The dependence on the import of natural gas is one of the key questions for the energy security of the EU. One of the tools for dealing with this issue is diversification of the suppliers a searching for a new sources of energy to sustain the economical development of the EU. One of the goals of the EU' Energy security strategy is to lower its dependence on gas imports from Russia. In the lights of recent events, when the gas supply was disrupted a few times, because of the events on Ukraine, Russian aggression in the eastern part of Ukraine and annexation of the Crimea, EU is looking for a better alternative. The research is trying to find out what is the role of the Nord Stream 2 gas pipeline, which will bypass Ukraine and go straight from Russia to Germany and will have impact on other Central and Eastern European countries. The question is whether the project is viable vis-a-vis energy security framework metrics and whether there are better alternatives such as the Southern Gas Corridor or the possibility to import liquified natural gas LNG from elsewhere. Apart from the energy security framework the geopolitics is taken into an account and will try to explain the power...

The purpose of this study is to analyze security risks regarding the Navalny-case for acquiring a broader understanding concerning the sanctions and the security development regarding Nord Stream 2. Furthermore, upholding an perception concerning definition of security and the impact of a finalized Nord Stream 2-project. Consequently, comprehend the understanding with a liberal and realistic perspective interpreting of the case and the controversial infrastructure project. For a comprehensive apprehension of security, military-, environmental-, energy- and economy security is given. To investigate the scientific problem, a qualitative case study with content analysis is utilized. I will argue of using the criteria contained in the theory that my questions to be answered. All safety dimensions have been considered to be affected, some more than others. At the same time, insecurity is being expressed regarding the military security surrounding increased military activity in the Baltic Sea which could lead to a NATO membership. Higher water temperature and contamination of the seawater is reflected in the environmental security. The effect on energy security is considered to be higher on the agenda after the impact of the Navalny-case, regarding for a reliable trade partner. At the same time, financial security is affected on the basis regarding job insecurity.