This research highlights the swedish government crisis in 1978, based on two perspectives and how they affected the crisis. These include mass media and how the politicians acted in relation to their respective parties' standpoint on the nuclear power issue. The material is based on information from the editorial pages of two national newspapers and one submission page. This should shed light on whether the media affected the crisis. The research has also been supplemented with literature to investigate the parties’ opinions regarding the nuclear power issue. The chosen newspapers are Dagens Nyheter and Svenska Dagbladet. A qualitative text analysis has been applied to the study by interpreting texts from newspapers and literature. The essay centers on the end of the crisis when the government parties, Centerpartiet, Moderaterna and Folkpartiet tried to find an agreement on the nuclear power issue, but also the days after Thorbjörn Fälldin's resignation as prime minister. The findings of the investigation suggests that both perspectives affected the crisis, with some exceptions. The newspapers that were examined differ in comparison with other mass media and it turns out that both leader pages and the submitter side did not follow up on the “betrayal” debate that was directed against Fälldin and Centerpartiet. However, several leaders and submitters claim that the media affected the crisis. It is also possible to suggest that the government's dissolution was due to the positions of the government parties on the nuclear power issue and that the politicians had to comply with this.

This work analyzes the most important factors that exercise the biggest influence over the shape of energy system in the following decades in the European area with a focus on electric grid. Based on the analysis the possible futures and probable trends are discussed in the Conclusion.

Submitted by Elesbão Santiago Neto (neto10uepb@cche.uepb.edu.br) on 2016-09-14T18:13:26Z No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Fabiana Martins Santos.pdf: 8383121 bytes, checksum: f7d16bab97af00a7337e46522cf3712c (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-14T18:13:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Fabiana Martins Santos.pdf: 8383121 bytes, checksum: f7d16bab97af00a7337e46522cf3712c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-08-10 / CAPES / This study aims to clarify weather the Brazilian and Chinese energy policies respectively influence the energy security of both countries. In this perspective the research was divided in four sections: in the first section the concepts of politics and energy security were presented. The concepts used in this study were developed from the historic and theoretical data available in the literature through the analysis of security theories drawn from Barry Buzan studies. Sections two and three focus on the internal and external energy policies implemented in Brazil and in the People`s Republic of China (PRC). Both countries went through scarce electricity while facing great demand of this resource for their development in the first years of the 21st century. In the fourth section a comparison of these policies is presented aiming to comprehend if they influence the conception of security of these countries. The research was conducted using the mixed approach, through a qualitative and quantitative analysis. In addition to that, the comparative method was used to elaborate the discussion presented. The data showed that the internal and external politics used in Brazil and in the China are part of the energy security of the countries, both through the improvement of the energy sector and the increase in the access of the energy sources. / O presente trabalho objetiva esclarecer em que medida as políticas energéticas elaboradas pelo Brasil e pela República Popular da China influenciam na segurança dos seus setores energéticos. Para tanto, a pesquisa divide-se em quatro seções: na primeira foi realizada a conceituação de política e segurança energética utilizando-se do aparato histórico e teórico, por meio da análise das teorias de segurança da perspectiva de Barry Buzan, para compreender a formação de tais conceitos. Em seguida, nas seções dois e três, foram apresentadas as políticas energéticas, interna e externa, implantadas no Brasil e na RPC, após vivenciarem uma escassez de energia elétrica nos primeiros anos do século XXI e em virtude da crescente demanda. Na quarta e última seção, realizou-se a comparação dessas políticas no sentido de compreender se elas influenciam na concepção de segurança desses países. Para tal fim, a metodologia adotada norteia-se no enfoque misto, isto é, utilizando-se da análise qualitativa e quantitativa, além de aplicar o método comparativo para o embasamento da pesquisa. Deste modo, conclui-se que as políticas internas e externas do Brasil e China, utilizadas para o aperfeiçoamento do setor e maior acesso as fontes de energia, atuam na formação da segurança energética em ambos os países.

Owing to the unfortunate accidents happened in Fukushima nuclear power plant in Japan on 11th March 2011, renewable energy has again become one of the mostly referred issues in energy related discussions all around the world. Generally, the states are expected to give incentives to the renewable energy sources in order to help the development and spread of those clean energy technologies against the fossil based energy sources. However, the levels of state subsidy to renewable energy sources in Turkey which was announced in 2010 with an Amendment Law was not possible to understand by following the mentioned way of thinking. Unlike other studies in the field of renewable energy policies, the thesis problematizes the role of the states in the formation of renewable energy markets and prefers to use the critical theory while trying to understand how the renewable energy policies in Turkey are formed. The state policies are tried to be understood as a result of historical state and society relations rather than looking for linear reason and result relationships. State is seen not a unified actor but rather a battleground of competing projects each of which arise from a certain way of thinking or in other words, rationalities of government. Consequently, the traces of developmentalism, neoliberalism and neomercantilism are followed starting from the formation of the Turkish electricity market in the late 1990s and the preparation of Renewable Energy Law in 2005 until the aftermath of the recent Amendment to the Renewable Energy Law in 2010.

This thesis analyses the foreign policy of Russia towards Iran during Vladimir Putin&rsquo / s presidency. This thesis examines energy, security and regional issues in relation to the cooperation between these two states. Contrary to the view that Russia&rsquo / s relation with Iran is an example of strategic partnership, this thesis argues that Russia does not consider Iran as a strategic partner due to her own global ambitions. Russia just seeks to keep Iran under her sphere of influence. In fact, Russia&rsquo / s is not willing to consider Iran as a strategic partner due to the differences in state structures and national interests of these states. This thesis has six chapters. The first chapter is the introductory chapter. The second chapter gives a historical background on Russian &ndash / Iranian relations until Vladimir Putin&rsquo / s rise to presidency in 2000. The third chapter discusses the role of energy, while the fourth chapter analyses the importance of security issues and their effects on the dynamics of &ldquo / cooperation&rdquo / between Russia and Iran. The fifth chapter discusses regional dimension of Russia&rsquo / s relations with Iran. Final chapter is the conclusion.

This study examines interest-formation and state-action in the Eastern Mediterranean countries of Egypt, Israel, Turkey and the Republic of Cyprus. In seeking answers to the questions on how interests of the respective countries can be explained, particularly within the area of natural gas, and possible consequences of different regional approaches, the study draws upon ideas in classical, structural, neoclassical realism and constructivism. The theoretical diversity enables the study to focus on international, state and domestic levels by way of qualitative content analysis as the selected methodology. The findings suggest that Egypt, Israel and Cyprus possess corresponding views in their regional outlook; including natural gas as a means for stability and economic growth, but also that these views contrast significantly with Turkey’s regional perspective. Additional findings show that interest-formation in all four states, despite coherence among Egypt, Israel and Cyprus, differentiates to a large degree. The chief reason is that interest-formation appears to occur within international, state and domestic levels. Regarding the second question, the study finds that the different and often conflicting regional approaches on natural gas of Cyprus and Turkey, which are based upon fundamentally different premises, pose risk for heightened tensions between both Cyprus, Turkey and the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus.

Submitted by Elesbão Santiago Neto (neto10uepb@cche.uepb.edu.br) on 2018-04-06T19:15:29Z No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Fabiana Martins Santos.pdf: 37209586 bytes, checksum: 6e2259d9a1316654691019a581ddd6b9 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-04-06T19:15:29Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Fabiana Martins Santos.pdf: 37209586 bytes, checksum: 6e2259d9a1316654691019a581ddd6b9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-08-10 / CAPES / This study aims to clarify weather the Brazilian and Chinese energy policies respectively influence the energy security of both countries. In this perspective the research was divided in four sections: in the first section the concepts of politics and energy security were presented. The concepts used in this study were developed from the historic and theoretical data available in the literature through the analysis of security theories drawn from Barry Buzan studies. Sections two and three focus on the internal and external energy policies implemented in Brazil and in the People`s Republic of China (PRC). Both countries went through scarce electricity while facing great demand of this resource for their development in the first years of the 21st century. In the fourth section a comparison of these policies is presented aiming to comprehend if they influence the conception of security of these countries. The research was conducted using the mixed approach, through a qualitative and quantitative analysis. In addition to that, the comparative method was used to elaborate the discussion presented. The data showed that the internal and external politics used in Brazil and in the China are part of the energy security of the countries, both through the improvement of the energy sector and the increase in the access of the energy sources. / O presente trabalho objetiva esclarecer em que medida as políticas energéticas elaboradas pelo Brasil e pela República Popular da China influenciam na segurança dos seus setores energéticos. Para tanto, a pesquisa divide-se em quatro seções: na primeira foi realizada a conceituação de política e segurança energética utilizando-se do aparato histórico e teórico, por meio da análise das teorias de segurança da perspectiva de Barry Buzan, para compreender a formação de tais conceitos. Em seguida, nas seções dois e três, foram apresentadas as políticas energéticas, interna e externa, implantadas no Brasil e na RPC, após vivenciarem uma escassez de energia elétrica nos primeiros anos do século XXI e em virtude da crescente demanda. Na quarta e última seção, realizou-se a comparação dessas políticas no sentido de compreender se elas influenciam na concepção de segurança desses países. Para tal fim, a metodologia adotada norteia-se no enfoque misto, isto é, utilizando-se da análise qualitativa e quantitativa, além de aplicar o método comparativo para o embasamento da pesquisa. Deste modo, conclui-se que as políticas internas e externas do Brasil e China, utilizadas para o aperfeiçoamento do setor e maior acesso as fontes de energia, atuam na formação da segurança energética em ambos os países.

How the EU frames Russia before and after the Crimean annexation betters our understanding of the motives and incentives behind a securitized unanimity in EU energy policy and decarbonization given previous internal dissensus. Europe’s energy transition and security policy is contingent upon Russian relations, considering its gas dependency. Given the 2022 Ukrainian invasion, studying past rhetorical change instigated within the EU is relevant, using the 2014 annexation as a potential catalyst. Russian energy flows reaching the EU are decreasingly predictable since they pass through key transit states like Ukraine. An overview of recent EU-Russian normative trajectories becomes appropriate as the EU tackles an energy crisis and is interconnected with an unreliable energy provider. Complex interdependence is used to explain the EU’s framing of Russia in energy relations, where mutual dependence, vulnerability and sensitivity to policy change define the states’ well-being, as postulated by Keohane and Nye. Marco Siddi’s conflict-cooperation dichotomy on the Russian Other supplements the framing analysis. An abductive coding approach forms the methodology, where the chosen material may inform the codes, alongside conceptual themes generated beforehand. The frames are applied to EU-parliamentary policy briefings, commission frameworks and bilateral EU-Russian roadmaps spanning between 2011-2016 with three yielded frames: ‘Commercial ties and sunk costs’, ‘Jeopardized security order’, and ‘Fossil-bound authoritarianism’. These frames are divided into pre-and post-annexation sections. The outcome points to attitude shifts in the EU, from perceiving Russia as a Cooperative Other to an Antagonistic Other. This manifests itself within energy security realms and partly in decarbonization. All three frames imply an EU-Russian bilateral relationship entrenched with sunk costs and commitments—with ideological rifts widening in energy security where the EU frames Russia as a normative and contractual violator. The changed framing of Russia may thus help explain how EU energy policy experienced recent change.

The fossil gas pipeline Nord Stream 2 between Russia and Germany has caused massive criticism in the West. At first sight, it appears paradoxical that Germany, an influential member of NATO and the EU, approves more dependence on an increasingly assertive Russia. This, recently after launching an extensive green transformation of its energy system. The grand theories of IR struggles to get a firm grip of the case. This master thesis explores how the political line can be understood, and what it tells us about German foreign policy in a broader context. The study is carried out as a case study, mapping the material circumstances of supply and demand of natural gas, as well as looking into the domestic and international actors involved. Theoretically, the concept of geo-economics is deployed combined with the analytical pair of logic of appropriateness and consequence in decision-making, with the aim to achieve theoretical sensitivity. The premiss of the analysis is that energy security is existential for modern industrialized states and thereby rather obligatory to solve for political leaders to solve. In the specific case do natural gas occupy relative benefits that makes it favourable for Germany. Depleting resources of gas, crummy alternatives, and the historical and present conditions of interdependence, has become evident as key variables behind the decision-making. However, the argument is also made that the specific decision says relatively little about the general democratic and multilateral objectives of Germany. Hence, Nord Stream 2 should be analysed in the light of the unique nature of energy politics and the case specific circumstances. The conclusion is that the political line of Germany regarding Nord Stream 2 should be understood as driven by the pursuit of energy security, in combination with a range of case specific, mostly material, circumstances.

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