yes / In the context of a fragile political and security situation, an ambiguous legal constitutional status and an imprecise and contested balance of power between international `protection¿ and local ownership, academic and practitioner strategies in Kosovo have emphasized human protection, military security and public law and order. However, Kosovo is also a site of contention between economic norms. On the one hand, the external agencies have attempted to impose a neoliberal economic model, rooted in the 1989 Washington consensus on developmentalism. On the other hand, Kosovars have clung to clientism, shadow economic activities and resistance to centrally-audited exchange.

The purpose of this dissertation is to analyze the Russian Federation&rsquo / s military Policy in Central Asia in 1991-2001. My main concern in this point is to figure out what is Moscow&rsquo / s real intention behind establishing military ties with the Central Asian states and to what extent is Moscow successful in accomplishing this aim? Does the Russian Federation perceive direct threats to its security from Central Asia? My argument is that the Russian Federation does not perceive direct threats to its national security from the region rather she uses these threats to be the main actor in the region by using military means. Throughout the thesis first the shift in the Russian Federation&rsquo / s foreign policy course regarding the &lsquo / Near Abroad&rsquo / and its reflections on the basic security documents of the Russian Federation, second the threat perceptions of the Russian Federation in these regions, third reflections of this shift on Russia&rsquo / s bilateral military ties with these states and finally the role of the changing perception in the formation of regional collective security formations are to be analyzed.

<p>Big dangerous Russia, environmental thief or house warmer? The Nord Stream pipelines are a highly debated theme in Europe and the EU. A number of different countries will be subject to the pipelines direct or indirect. This paper aims to figure out what kind of threats and possibilities Denmark, Finland, Sweden and Germany consider to be the consequences with the pipelines.</p><p>The study takes as a standpoint the area of security studies and the widened of the same. The three standpoints within the security study that will be used are military security, environmental security and energy security. It is a comparative study that has been done with help of a text analysis.</p><p>The analysis concludes that Sweden is the country of the four that finds the most threats with the pipeline. Sweden thinks Nord Stream is a threat within all of the three securities mentioned above even though Sweden also see a possibility within energy security. Denmark, on the other hand, does not see a threat at all and Germany and Finland see a threat within the environmental area but not within the two other areas. They also see a possibility within the energy security.</p>

Given the nature of modem warfare and the impact that technology has in contemporary war reporting, the primary objective of this thesis is to identify the most likely means by which the international media will cover future military operations. Initial research concentrates on the cultural and systemic ethos of the military and media professions and examines whether any differences have an adverse impact on how they operate during periods of armed conflict. A brief review of the history of war reporting is undertaken for several purposes; firstly, to discover if any differences between the professions have had a historical basis and, secondly, to ascertain whether there is any historical evidence of the media compromising military operations when covering operations during armed conflict. It was found that one of the principle reasons why the military and the meha have been traditional adversaries is that the military sees secrecy as vital for the successful conduct of its operations. The media, on the other hand, seeks complete disclosure. In what is considered to be the first of its type undertaken in Australia, a comprehensive survey was conducted to identify how each profession viewed the other. Research concentrated on the US and Australian models, examining how modern technology has made it more difficult for the dtary to control the media than in past conflicts. Research further identified that in the context of modern armed conflict, the military and the media have predominantly different and frequently competing interests. It was also found that the protection and advancement of their interests are affected by technological changes which are redefining the nature of modern warfare, and the means and capacity of the media to report it. The way the media gathers news during conflict was shown to have changed dramatically over the past ten years, particularly with its use of technology in transmitting news live from a battlefield back to a parent media organisation. The military was further seen as dramatically changing the manner in which it conducts warfare, including the introduction of initiatives aimed at neutralising the media's impact on operational security. Somewhat alarmingly, these initiatives not only minimise possible compromises of security but overall media criticism as well. Research also found that the tensions currently existing between the military and media can be resolved by both parties agreeing to a more effective way of reconciling their differences. However, it was found that any well meaning initiatives by the military and the media to work closer together during periods of conflict will be difficult to achieve if the ever-present political manipulation of news is not addressed. The thesis concludes by recommending changes to current military and media doctrine in order that future conflicts may be covered in a manner that fulfils the 'public's right to know,' while at the same time, allows the military to conduct operations without fear that security may be compromised by the subsequent media coverage.

The influence of private actors within armed conflict is becoming increasingly relevant, as the market for private military and security companies (PMSC’s) is growing in tandem with new opportunities within the sector. Their involvement in many conflicts around the world suggest the demand for private actors is not likely to go away any time soon, as their professional approach to offering an advantage in settling conflicts might appeal to many contracting parties. Despite this however, there exists relatively little research on the influence of PMSCs on armed conflict dynamics. This study aims to investigate how PMSCs might decide to involve themselves in state-based armed conflicts in weak states and how these in turn would influence the overall intensity of that conflict. This thesis provides a causal explanation which suggests that conflicts where PMSCs provide direct combat support have higher levels of conflict intensity in terms of an increased number of battle-related deaths than those where PMSC involvement is limited to non-combat/assisting roles. This is motivated by a theoretical framework which suggests direct combat involvement leads to a higher number of battle-related deaths. The quantitative study includes a number of control variables which have previously been used in studies on conflict dynamics in terms of the onset of armed conflict, conflict duration and with theoretical frameworks applicable to conflict intensity. The quantitative section of the thesis involves a regression analysis which ultimately does not provide significant results for the proposed hypothesis. Lastly, some considerations are made for future research that could potentially improve the reliability and accuracy of studies that intend to incorporate private actors and their influence on conflict dynamics.

Tens of thousands of contractors work for private military and security companies (PMSCs) in armed conflicts around the world, often hired by states to fulfil functions that were once the exclusive domain of the armed forces. In this context, PMSCs have performed a wide range of activities including offensive combat, prisoner interrogation, military advice and training, armed security, intelligence and logistics. The proliferation of PMSCs during the past two decades has challenged conventional conceptions of the state as the primary holder of coercive power in the international arena. Nonetheless, this Thesis argues that the traditional state-centred frameworks of international law remain vitally relevant to the regulation of private security activity in contemporary armed conflict. Three states are in a strong position to influence PMSCs in this context—the state that hires the PMSC, the state in which the company is based or incorporated, and the state in which the company operates—and this capacity for influence enables international law to regulate PMSC activities indirectly using these states as an intermediary. This Thesis critically analyses the pertinent international obligations on these three categories of states and identifies the circumstances in which PMSC misconduct may give rise to state responsibility in each case. It also examines the recent practice of certain key states in order to evaluate their compliance with these obligations. By providing a clear and in-depth analysis of states' international obligations to control PMSCs in armed conflict, this Thesis may not only facilitate the assessment of state responsibility in cases of PMSC misconduct; it may also play an important prospective role in setting standards of conduct for states in relation to the private security industry. This in turn may encourage and assist states to develop their domestic laws and policies in order to improve overall PMSC compliance with international law.

Big dangerous Russia, environmental thief or house warmer? The Nord Stream pipelines are a highly debated theme in Europe and the EU. A number of different countries will be subject to the pipelines direct or indirect. This paper aims to figure out what kind of threats and possibilities Denmark, Finland, Sweden and Germany consider to be the consequences with the pipelines. The study takes as a standpoint the area of security studies and the widened of the same. The three standpoints within the security study that will be used are military security, environmental security and energy security. It is a comparative study that has been done with help of a text analysis. The analysis concludes that Sweden is the country of the four that finds the most threats with the pipeline. Sweden thinks Nord Stream is a threat within all of the three securities mentioned above even though Sweden also see a possibility within energy security. Denmark, on the other hand, does not see a threat at all and Germany and Finland see a threat within the environmental area but not within the two other areas. They also see a possibility within the energy security.

The thesis researches whether in the Visegrad Group there is growing importance and securitization of energy security and military security leading to further cooperation based on recent crises. The thesis also researches whether Russia is perceived as a threat. This is done through content analysis of national security strategies, energy security strategies and military or defence strategies, as well as discourse analysis of official statements presented by ministries and governments of the Visegrad Group states. In the text, also materials published by the Visegrad Group as a whole are analysed. The discourse analysis in case of the states is focused on moments of crises. In energy security field, three crises were chosen: gas crises of 2006 and 2009, as well as oil crisis of 2008. In the chapter about military security, two events were chosen- conflict in Georgia in 2008 and military exercises in 2009. As it is presented, cooperation in energy security is already taking place and cooperation in military affairs in form of battlegroup is planned. Especially in energy security, a link between recent crises, their securitization and cooperation might be seen based on the research.

Thesis (MA (Political Science))--Stellenbosch University, 2008. / Private Military and Security Companies (PMSCs) have become increasingly important actors since the end of the Cold War. They provide a wide range of services and are therefore difficult to classify. Many view them as new front companies for mercenaries, which this thesis argues is not the case. Few states have put in place legislation to deal with the problems caused by these companies, and they are therefore generally not accountable to states. This is problematic because their services are within an area where states have traditionally had monopoly. This thesis studies the new South African legislation, the Prohibition of Mercenary Activities and Regulation of Certain Activities in Country of Armed Conflict Act of 2006, which was put in place in order to ban mercenaries and regulate the services offered by the private military and security companies based in the country. By comparing it to the older South African legislation, the thesis evaluates the extent to which the new legislation has been able to close loopholes inherent in the old legislation. The new South African legislation is also compared to the international conventions which bans mercenaries. By banning these actors, South Africa is very much in line with the international community when it designed the conventions. However, PNSCs are not mercenaries. The thesis then compares the new South African legislation to the domestic regulation in place in the United States of America. It finds that despite having many of the same weaknesses as the South African legislation, it is more likely that the American regulation will be abided by than the South African. This is due to the positive relationship between the US government and American PMSCs, and the fact that the government is a major client of the companies. South Africa does not enjoy the same positive relationship with its companies. Finally, the new South African legislation is compared to the UK Green Paper of 2002, which presented options of how to deal with the companies. The ban on mercenaries put in place by the new South African legislation was discouraged in the Green Paper. The licensing regime (as in the USA) that was proposed by the Green Paper, however, is similar to the authorisation scheme established in South Africa.

20世紀的80至90年代初期，國際形勢發生劇烈動盪與變化，蘇聯於發生解體、東歐局勢劇變，過去美蘇「兩強對峙」之兩極格局所造成40多年的冷戰終告結束，國際體系由「一超多強」，轉變成多極化方向發展。此時中國在綜合國力發展上也有很大的變化，態勢積極的朝大國關係方向調整，除專注內部發展外，更重視與周邊國家的安全關係。中國知到，一個穩定、和睦的周邊環境，才有利於中國持續性發展，在周邊建立安全與穩定的緩衝帶後，可避免與其他大國發生衝突。因為，有安全的環境，才會有安定的社會，才能全面發展經濟，而維繫這種關係的要件，是安全互需和經濟互利與合作。 「上海合作組織」的前身是建立於1996年的「上海五國」機制，是中蘇兩國關於邊境的雙邊談判，蘇聯崩解後改為「上海五國」雙邊談判，再演變成「上海五國」的多邊會談。不但開啟有關邊境軍事安全的會談協商機制，同時亦開啓了穩定區域安全的多邊關係及區域合作模式。烏茲別克加入後，於2001年6月15日，6國元首共同宣布在「上海五國」機制的基礎上成立「上海合作組織」(Shanghai Cooperation Organization)，並發表「上海合作組織成立宣言」。這是中國第一個促成的多邊組織，也是第一個以中國城市命名的政府間組織，成員國包括中國、俄羅斯、哈薩克、吉爾吉斯、塔吉克及烏茲別克等6個國家。 「上海合作組織」創立的首要任務是確保該組織內的和平、安全與穩定，堅決打擊「三股勢力」、毒品及走私等非法交易。並認知當前的國際安全必須建立在各國平等、互信、互利及合作的基礎上，藉由每年定期舉行的元首峰會、總理會議、外交部長會議及不定期舉行的國家協調員會議、各部門領導人會議形成組織運作機制。而位於北京的秘書處及塔什干的地區反恐機構，這兩個常設機構的設立，使上海合作組織朝向更寬廣的方向邁進。本篇論文試圖瞭解冷戰終止及美國「911」恐怖攻擊事件發生後，「上海合作組織」運作與發展方向，直接或間接影響區域經濟及軍事安全的程度為何?另外，就「上海合作組織」與其他大國或國際組織的關係，對全球戰略所產生的影響為何?尤其是中國、美國、日本與俄羅斯的多方戰略關係的發展，非常值得予以持續觀注。 / 1980 to early 1990s, the international system develops from " one superpower and several powers " into a multi-polar direction due to severe turbulences and changes of the international situation, the disintegration of Soviet Union and the drastic changes of Eastern Europe, and the end of the 40-years Cold War which caused by the "a two-confrontation" bipolar situation between U.S.A and the Soviet Union in the past. At this point, there are also great changes in China’s the overall national development, For instance, a positive trend towards big power relations reorientation. Except to focus on internal development, China places more importance on security relations with neighboring countries. China knows that a stable, harmonious surrounding is conducive to China's sustainable development. To establish security and stability buffer zone in the surrounding can avoid conflict with other powers. Since a secure environment is the key to a stable society and a fully develop economic while interdependence and cooperation of security need and economic benefit is the essential element of maintaining this relationship. "Shanghai Cooperation Organization" develops from the "Shanghai Five" mechanism which established in 1996. It was the Sino-Soviet bilateral talks about border between the two countries, and after the collapse of the Soviet Union, it became the "Shanghai Five" bilateral negotiations which is followed into the "Shanghai Five State "in multilateral talks. This development not only opened consultation mechanism talks on the border military security, also opened a stable regional security, multilateral relations, and regional cooperation. After Uzbekistan joined in June 15, 2001, six heads of state announced the establishment of the "Shanghai Cooperation Organization" which based on the "Shanghai Five" mechanism and issued a "Declaration of Shanghai Cooperation Organization." This is the first multilateral organization which promoted by China and is the first intergovernmental organization in the name of Chinese city. The member States includes China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan and other six countries. The first and foremost task of "Shanghai Cooperation Organization" is to ensure peace, security and stability of the organization, and resolutely combat the "three forces", drugs, smuggling and other illegal transactions. And to aware that the current international security must be based on national equality, mutual trust, mutual benefit and cooperation. By holding annual heads of states summit meeting, Prime Ministers meeting, Foreign Ministers meeting, and occasional meetings of national coordinators, leaders of various departments to form the operating mechanism of organizations. The establishments of two permanent organizations, the Secretariat in Beijing and the 4 regional anti-terrorism agency in Tashkent, lead the Shanghai Cooperation Organization to move towards a broader direction. This paper attempts to find out the operation and development direction of the "Shanghai Cooperation Organization" after the end of Cold War and "911" terrorist attacks in the United States, and the degree of how does this directly or indirectly affect the regional economic and military security so far? In addition, what is the impact that the relationships of the"Shanghai Cooperation Organization" between other major countries or international organizations affects on global strategic? Especially the development of multi-strategic relations between China, the United States, Japan and Russia, is very worthwhile continuing being concerned. Keywords：Shanghai Cooperation Organization, economic security, military security, Central Asia, relations among major powers