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yes / In the context of a fragile political and security situation, an ambiguous legal constitutional status and an imprecise and contested balance of power between international `protection¿ and local ownership, academic and practitioner strategies in Kosovo have emphasized human protection, military security and public law and order. However, Kosovo is also a site of contention between economic norms. On the one hand, the external agencies have attempted to impose a neoliberal economic model, rooted in the 1989 Washington consensus on developmentalism. On the other hand, Kosovars have clung to clientism, shadow economic activities and resistance to centrally-audited exchange.

Yes / This article analyses the governance tools available to three Brazilian presidents – Fernando Henrique Cardoso, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva and Dilma Rousseff – to direct and enact policy in the area of law-and-order, that is, to prevent crime, improve policing and develop effective penal responses. It examines the commonalities and the differences in the ways that each approached their key roles as president: communicating with the public on the issues, using the agencies of the federal bureaucracy, managing intergovernmental relations with the subnational units (states and municipalities), and managing their multiparty coalition and relations with Congress. In particular, it highlights the way in which Brazil’s highly fragmented and porous party system, which underpins the country’s coalitional presidentialist form of governance, has also encouraged the entry into legislative arenas of direct representatives of criminal justice professionals (police) and indirect representatives of private security actors. This has resulted in increasing producer capture of law-and-order policy within both the federal bureaucracy and legislative arenas at all levels of government. In the crisis of the Dilma presidency, to which they contributed, they were able to move from being veto-players to agenda-setters on law-and-order policy, intent on reversing the direction set by these presidents.

Thesis advisor: Lynda Lytle Holmstrom / Rape is a socially constructed behavior used in patriarchal societies to devalue women and ensure male supremacy. Being socially constructed means that the definition of rape can change. This thesis addresses the question of whether an established institution—television—can promote a more progressive definition of rape and help delegitimize it. It uses a feminist content analysis to examine the main themes on 14 episodes of Law and Order: Special Victims Unit (SVU) aired from 2012-2015. It is qualitative and inductive in nature, approached from a grounded theory perspective. The data demonstrate that SVU does, to some extent, present a more progressive view of rape instead of perpetuating the common stereotypes of rape. Essentially, SVU represents a new variety of definitions of rape that are reflective of white, privileged, heterosexual and young women's experiences in the United States. Race, class, sexual orientation and identity are barely taken into account even though many social inequalities based on them characterize American life. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2016. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Departmental Honors. / Discipline: Sociology.

Pasirinkto tyrimo objektas yra viešieji ir privatūs interesai pasireiškiantys užtikrinant viešąją tvarką ir visuomenės saugumą. Darbo dalykas yra viešųjų ir privačių institucijų veikla, palaikant viešąją tvarką ir užtikrinant visuomenės saugumą. Darbe keliamas tikslas analizuoti viešąją ir privačią institucijų veiklą, palaikant viešąją tvarką ir užtikrinant visuomenės saugumą, įvertinti jų bendradarbiavimo galimybes. Siekiant baigiamojo darbo tikslo, reikalinga įvykdyti tokius uždavinius: - analizuoti sąvokas tvarka, viešoji tvarka, netvarka, visuomenės saugumas; - identifikuoti viešuosius ir privačius interesus tvarkos ir saugumo rinkoje; - išanalizuoti viešosios tvarkos ir visuomenės saugumo užtikrinimo veikloje dalyvaujančių subjektų veiklą; - analizuoti policijos ir privačių saugos tarnybų veiklos derinimo problemos viešosios tvarkos ir visuomenės saugumo užtikrinimo srityje bei pateikti jų sprendimo būdus. / The research of the chosen object is public and private interests and they come out ensuring public order and security of the society. It is necessary to realise such tasks: -to discuss the conception of order, public order, public security; -to identify public and private interests of order and safeness in the market; - to analyse public order and safeguarding of society which takes part in subject activity; -to create public order safeness of the society and to ensure cooperating model of the subjects. The research of the chosen theme was done by basing on such methods: -historical comparative method. It was used by comparing police and also private services of security when they were formed earlier and nowadays; -the analyzing method of documents. It was used by analyzing different deeds, contracts and other documents; -comparative method. It was used trying to reach the activity of different public securities and to ensure public security; -method of the concepts interpretation. Because of it, it was analysed and appreciated by different concepts (public order, legality or lawfulness, security of the society and etc) content. The ending of the content forms (makes) preface, laying out (parts, chapters, sections), conclusion, summary, summary in foreign language and list of literature. In the first part of work it is trying to analyse important conceptions such as public order, security of the society, public and private interests and to find out their content. In the... [to full text]

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"Children of the Silent Majority: Nixon, New Politics, and the Youth Vote, 1968-1972" investigates the emergence of young Americans as a major force in national politics, arguing that the 1968 generation constrained the conservative realignment that Richard Nixon envisioned but also revitalized the Republican Party after the voting age fell to eighteen. Despite the widespread assumption that the vast cadre of young voters casting ballots for the first time in 1972 would tilt the electorate to the Democratic Party, this dissertation reveals that the Nixon administration targeted and mobilized young Americans not aligned with the left--people Nixon's staff called the "sons and daughters of the silent majority." Nixon cultivated his own youth cadre, Young Voters for the President (YVP). Carefully targeting non-students and campus conservatives to join this 400,000 member organization, YVP leaders employed both grassroots organization and modern Madison Avenue advertising techniques to pry increasingly independent young voters from previous Democratic strongholds such as urban, ethnic enclaves and the Sunbelt. In addition, when the politics of youth--the ways Americans, young and old, thought about young people and youth issues--presented a barrier to Nixon's law-and-order conservative policies on problems such as marijuana and campus disorders, Nixon acquiesced on issues such as the draft and environmental protection. This youth-friendly approach allowed his administration to attract and recruit young voters. This study also explores how youth politics fueled the development of image politics during the1970s, compelling campaigns to embrace new techniques that emphasized targeted polling, television and candidates' personal characteristics over party loyalty. Attracting young voters necessitated a more image savvy campaign, giving Nixon's in-house advertising agency of high-powered executives, the November Group, a central role in campaign strategy. Young voters also supplied the campaign with public relations opportunities to counter Nixon's detractors in the media who relished his "youth problem." This study contributes to the scholarship on the Nixon presidency and the political history of the Republican "New Majority" in the 1960s and 1970s by uncovering the decisive role of young voters and youth issues in those pivotal years.

This thesis explores the question, 'Who do South African police officers think they are and how does this shape police practice?' Based on eight months of ethnographic fieldwork in Cape Town and the Eastern Cape province of South Africa in 2012/13, it is an exploration of the deep-seated perceptions, stories and imaginings that South African Police Service (SAPS) officers have of themselves, their occupation and their country, in the early twenty-first century. It unpacks how officers’ individual narratives shape, and are shaped by organisational narratives and forces, and how this interplay influences police practice in an unequal and violent young democracy. The thesis suggests that a job in the SAPS is primarily just that, a job. It is a means to strive and survive in a country saturated in vulnerability and risk. Most officers join the organisation after other dreams have slipped out of reach. Once recruited they re-write their self-narratives to accommodate their new circumstances. Recruited from lineages long-oppressed, the meaning and income the job brings to their lives is usually more important to them than the work they carry out. As a result, they seek first to please their institutional overseers and ease the pressure of the job. This is achieved by enacting institutional performances that promote the idea that the SAPS is a rational, effective, evidence-based and rule-bound organisation made of up well trained officers performing common-sense crime prevention tasks, while hiding the darker side of police work. Using carefully choreographed performances, the SAPS and its officers present a strategically crafted façade behind which individual officers strive to secure their sense of self. When the façade is challenged, some resort to violence in an attempt to garner the respect they seek.