In 1631, Manchu state-makers set up an administrative apparatus that included a ministry for implementing and legislating li (often translated as rites or ritual), the Board of Li. Over the next sixty years the Board of Li helped develop the rules and regulations of the Manchu state, which were codified in an administrative code in 1690. This dissertation looks at the role of li and the Board of Li in early Manchu state-making efforts, and finds that li was more than simply rituals and ceremonies, it was intimately tied to the formation of politics and administration. The dissertation argues that from 1631 to 1690, state-makers developed the practices of li as sociopolitical and cultural systems that made possible a unified political order that embraced disparate ethnic groups and facilitated the conquest and rule of a multiethnic empire, the Qing, which ruled China and parts of Eurasia from 1636 to 1911. It finds that contrary to conventional understanding, the Manchu practices of li were not copied from the Ming, nor were they inherently Chinese; rather, in response to the immediate political and social circumstances of the time, the Manchus remade and reimagined li through ritual, politics, and law. This argument is made in three parts. Part one demonstrates the indeterminate nature of li and how it could be employed for different state building projects in different periods of Chinese history; part two looks at the Manchu transformation of li through political struggles for power, and the process of the formation of laws and practices to regulate the political settlements; part three takes up the codification of li, and examines the emergent system of political order and administrative law. These three parts further build upon recent insights into the nature of the Qing as a multiethnic, expansionist empire, and show that the Manchus developed li in their construction of an inclusive political culture and administrative apparatus that enabled the Qing to succeed where previous conquest dynasties had failed in the building and running of a multiethnic empire. / East Asian Languages and Civilizations

The blind deviate from bodily ideals and how we make sense of this difference matters. My dissertation examines the blind in Tokugawa Japan (1603–1868) to offer a contrasting perspective on disability from a non-Western society. The blind were impaired but not disabled. They were, in fact, enabled and engaged in careers that were mostly unthinkable to their peers in other contemporary societies. By far the most important enabling factor was the growth of a core institution called the tôdôza. I focus on the main professions through which the blind made their living—musical performance, moneylending, and medicine—and their relationships with the tôdôza. In my discussion, I investigate surprising aspects of the careers of the blind. These characteristics not only reflect the complex social history of the blind, but also reveal the intersections with critical developments in Tokugawa society. Founded as a society of blind musicians, the tôdôza was transformed into a political institution and later, a profit-driven organization of diverse professions. The narrative analyzes the social, political, and economic contexts of this transformation. Chapter one discusses the hierarchy of the tôdôza and the financial motives of moneylending. Chapter two looks at how rituals and myths were appropriated to strengthen the internal authority of the tôdôza. In chapter three, I discuss the representative lyrical genre of blind musicians called heikyoku and the increasing participation of sighted performers in writing texts. In chapter four, I explore how popular discourses about health compelled the tôdôza to innovate and concentrate on medical practice. My dissertation takes a fresh approach to Japanese history with insights from disability studies. The tôdôza supported the formation of blind communities and gave them political and economic leverage. This reverse perspective places the blind not on the margins, but instead refocuses the attention on their leading roles in transforming Tokugawa society. The history of disability in early modern Japan is also about the history of the tôdôza. By focusing on the tôdôza, my proposed approach highlights that the discourse of disability embraces the underemphasized but nonetheless important theme of enablement, which is crucial for retelling Japanese history. / East Asian Languages and Civilizations

In this dissertation I trace the evolution of the institutions governing woodland in South China over the longue durée. I claim that after a high point of state forestry the imperial government lost both the interest and the ability to manage woodland effectively. Forestry was largely taken over by lineages - kin groups organized around the worship of shared ancestors. I tie this transition in woodland governance to two interrelated trends: growth in the power and independence of lineage organizations, and of long-distance trade in wood products. First, I show changes in local state capacities for tax collection and dispute resolution, the growing organizational capacity of lineages. Second, I argue that the growth of trade in woodland products affected state and lineage differently. On the one hand, government bureaus had increasing difficulty governing wood land while finding it increasingly convenient to obtain wood products on the market. On the other hand, lineages were well-equipped for the business of managing local landscapes, and saw substantial profits to be made from the export of timber and other forest commodities. Finally, I argue that the rise of lineage influence shaped the terms in which woodland was claimed for private use. Over hundreds of years, claims to woodland shifted from the formal legal discourse specified by the imperial state to focus on the specialized language of fengshui. By the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, claims no longer trumpeted the productive capacity of forests or their role in paying the taxes important to the state; they now focused on the physical and metaphysical powers of the wooded landscape and its role in protecting the graves important to lineages. Contrary to existing scholarship, I claim that the decline of state forestry did not necessarily lead to the decline of the woods themselves; lineage oversight was highly effective at managing forests for both production and protection, and areas of strong lineage control remained well-forested into the modern era. / East Asian Languages and Civilizations

This dissertation examines the Chinese conception of phlegm and related body fluids phlegm from the first occurrence of phlegm in Zhang Zhongjing’s 張仲景 (fl. 150-219) Jingui yaolue金匱要略 through the first extended discussion Wang Gui’s 王桂 (1264-1354) Taiding yangsheng zhulun 泰定養生主論 (1338). Following the conceptual development of phlegm and fluids, the study illustrates one of the most important shifts in postclassical Chinese medicine. That is the transformation of the experience of phlegm from an insignificant water pathology that causes indigestion, to a major pathogen in Chinese medicine that is associated with an astonishing range of symptoms, and external and internal etiologies. The history of phlegm also intersects with another major shift in the history of Chinese medicine that is rise of fire, and the link of fire and emotions that was forged during the early Song dynasty. In contrast to the current over-emphasis on pneumatic or energetic aspects of the Chinese imagination of the body, this dissertation focuses on the humoral aspects of Chinese medicine. This focus brings into view distinct parallels in the conception, experience, and treatment of fluids in the Chinese, Greek and Indian medical traditions, such as the concern with maintaining flow, and the fear of blockage, stagnation, and misguided flows. For instance, all of these traditions view phlegm as the result of a disturbance in the flow. These parallels in the Chinese, Greek, and Indian conception of humors, therefore, help us to better understand the history of phlegm not only in the history of Chinese medicine, but also in the Indo-European traditions. The dissertation further sheds light on the history of Sino-Indian and Sino-Persian knowledge transfer, and the influence of Indic and Greek conceptions into Chinese medicine, as it puts forward evidence, which suggests that the similarities between Chinese and Indo-European conceptions of phlegm were due, in part, to historical influences from the Indic and Islamic medical traditions. Āyurvedic conceptions of phlegm reached China through the intermediary of Buddhist translations, where phlegm played an important role in physiology. Islamic medicine was present in the Yuan dynasty, and its concepts show clearly in Wang Gui’s Yuan period treatise. The dissertation’s focus on fluids also brings into view differences in the conception of matter and the experience of fluid in the Chinese and the Greco-Roman medical traditions. In early Chinese medicine, phlegm and stagnant fluids were associated with lumps and tumorous growth, but not with decay. In the Greco-Roman tradition phlegm and stagnations were feared because of their immediate connection with putrefaction and decay. In early Chinese medicine, phlegm and fluids were diagnosed by signs from within the body, such as the sounds of water, but also the subjective feeling of fullness reported by the patients. In the Greco-Roman tradition, as in Wang Gui’s Yuan period treatise, phlegm was diagnosed through the examination of the patients’ outflows. / East Asian Languages and Civilizations

This dissertation concerns the ways in which a Chinese civilizing project intervened powerfully in cultural and social change in the Muslim-majority region of Xinjiang from the 1870s through the 1930s. I demonstrate that the efforts of officials following an ideology of domination and transformation rooted in the Chinese Classics changed the ways that people associated with each other and defined themselves and how Muslims understood their place in history and in global space. Chinese power is central to the history of modern Xinjiang and to the Uyghur people, not only because the Chinese center has dominated the area as a periphery, but because of the ways in which that power intervened in society and culture on the local level. The processes and ramifications of the Chinese government in late-Qing and early Republican Xinjiang demonstrates strong parallels with colonialism in the context of European empire. This dissertation does not focus on the question of typology, however, but instead draws on methods from colonial history to explore the dynamics of a linguistically and religiously heterogeneous society. In order to do so, I draw on local archival documents in Chinese and Turkic and place them into dialogue with the broader Turkic-language textual record. This dissertation thus proceeds from the inception of the ideology that drove the civilizing project, through its social ramifications, to the innovations that emerged in Islamicate literature and history in Xinjiang in this period. / East Asian Languages and Civilizations

Abstract Not Available.

Abstract Not Available.

Abstract not available.

This thesis argues that Pol Pot was an unsophisticated political theorist and that he attempted to localize Maoism to serve his virulently ultra-nationalist agenda against Cambodia's ethnic Vietnamese. This is contrary to the existing assertions that Pol Pot was either a Maoist fundamentalist or adopted an ideology close to Maoism. The thesis postulates that Pol Pot used Maoism as a framework from which to launch his Khmer revivalist anti-Vietnamese program. The Cambodian leader's revolution was intended to "outdo" Mao, based solely on the use of antiquated Khmer agricultural developments, and surpass the grandeur of the great Angkor kings. This evidence can be found when one compares Pol Pot's writings, speeches, and slogans with Mao's own political works. Pol Pot was fascinated with Maoist rhetoric but never took action in building industry or improving social welfare. The Cambodian leader's overarching goal was to achieve a uniquely "pure" Khmer communism while also eradicating the entire Vietnamese race. The following thesis provides an analysis of Pol Pot's early political life, examines his infatuation with Mao Zedong and the Chinese revolution, and details the Cambodian leader's unique interpretation of the Chinese Chairman's political ideology. This thesis also aspires to she'd new insight into the study of Pol Pot's ultra- nationalist inspiration and disbar the convenient assumption by current scholars that he was merely a Maoist fundamentalist. In Pol Pot's attempts to create a uniquely Khmer communist ideology, he lost sight of the class struggle and espoused a racialist agenda based on Cambodian historical notions of revenge. These forms evolved from a mere grudge to notions of disproportionate and total revenge and dictated the Cambodian leader's treatment of the Vietnamese. Pol Pot was obsessed with Cambodia's long lost greatness and possessed an inherent need to reestablish the utopian Angkor kingdom in the present while punishing those responsible for its demise. In the end, his legacy was one of unbridled bloodshed that led to nearly three million deaths and the near-total destruction of his country.

Both historically and geographically Western Australia has been separated from the rest of the Australian continent. Sixteen hundred miles of desert intervene between the settled south western tip of the continent and the main concentration of Australian population in the southeast. Partly owing to this geographic isolation, the Swan River colony (founded in 1829) passed the first sixty years of its existence with very little intercourse with the more flourishing eastern Australian colonies. It was not until the goldrush of the 1890’s that the eastern Australians began to display an interest in the far west. The presence of large numbers of these "T'othersiders" in the Western Australian goldfields played an important part in securing the colony's entrance into the new Australian Commonwealth which came into existence on January 1, 1901, The old settlers and the leaders of the colony's responsible government were none too eager to accept the terms of federation, maintaining that, under the proposed constitution, the new states would not have sufficient sources of revenue to meet their obligations, but their objections were over-ruled by the unanimous pro-federation sentiment of the diggers. From the first Western Australia's peculiar position — a state with a small population and a large, undeveloped area ... resulted in special financial concessions being granted to her. Such concessions mitigated, but did not completely obliterate, the separatist tendencies of the western state. In 1906 a motion was introduced into the state parliament favouring secession from the federal union but nothing came of it. The War-induced encroachment of the federal government on taxation fields which had formerly been state preserves intensified the irritation felt by state leaders toward the ever-increasing powers of the Commonwealth government. Such sentiments were mirrored in newspaper articles expounding the theory that the federal bond was preventing Western Australia from realizing her full potentialities. The reports of a number of federally-appointed boards in the 1920's indicate that, even during these prosperous years, secessionist sentiments were held by a sizeable portion of the state's inhabitants. Nevertheless, it was not until the depression fell, with a particularly severe impact on primary-producing Western Australia, that secessionism became the dominant factor in the state's politics. The cause of secession was adopted by the state administration, partly from a desire to use it as a means of exacting a more generous financial arrangement from the Commonwealth government. A referendum on the question of secession was held concurrently with the state elections in April, 1933.Although the state's electorate repudiated the parties sponsoring secession they recorded a two-to-one majority in favour of the state seceding from the Australian Commonwealth and becoming a self-governing Dominion. The newly elected Labour government redeemed their election pledge to attempt to give effect to the people's mandate, as expressed in the referendum results, by sending petitions to the British parliament requesting the passage of legislation which would release the state from the Australian Commonwealth. A joint committee of both houses, appointed to investigate the constitutional propriety of receiving the state's petition, reported that such a request could be entertained only if it came from the federal parliament. Following this rebuff from the British parliament the secessionist movement withered and died, leaving behind a better system of deciding on state grants in Australia, and a noteworthy decision defining the relationship of the state and federal governments with the British parliament in the ever evolving British Commonwealth. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate