Thesis.

Univ., Diss.--San Diego. / Includes bibliographical references.

The scholarship on the extent of the Nahuatl writing system makes something of a sense-reference error. There are a number of occurrences in which the symbols encode a verb, three in the present tense and one in the past tense. The context of the use of calendar systems and written language in the Aztec empire is roughly described. I suggest that a new typology for is needed in order to fully account for Mesoamerican writing systems and to put to rest the idea that alphabetic orthographies are superior to other full systems. I cite neurolinguistic articles in support of this argument and suggest an evolutionary typology based on Gould's theory of Exaptation paired with the typology outlined by Justeson in his "Origins of Mesoamerican Writing" article.

Thesis (M.F.A.)--University of Central Florida, 2009. / Adviser: Keith Kovach. Includes bibliographical references (p. 36).

The Aztec empire emerged in AD 1428 as a result of the triple alliance among the city-states of Tenochtitlan, Texcoco, and Tlacopan. Although it is well documented that the Aztecs conquered numerous polities in the Basin of Mexico over the next 100 years, the demographic consequences of this expansion remain unclear. At the influential Otomi city-state of Xaltocan, for example, colonial documents suggest that the Aztec conquest led to a replacement of the original Otomi population, whereas archaeological finds suggest that a significant portion of the original population may have remained at the city under Aztec rule. To help resolve questions about Xaltocan’s population history during this period, I extracted ancient DNA from 21 individuals that can be divided into two temporal subpopulations (roughly predating and postdating the hypothesized replacement event). I determined mitochondrial DNA haplogroups through RFLP analyses and constructed haplotypes based on 372 bp of HVR1 sequence. Statistical analyses show significant differences between the mitochondrial composition of the two subpopulations. Altogether, the results of this study support the hypothesis that matrilines at Xaltocan underwent a significant replacement event following the Aztec conquest, and they suggest that the Aztec expansion may have had a substantial genetic impact on certain Mesoamerican populations. / text

The study of ritual and practice within the Aztecs is problematic because of the emphasis given to the state public ceremonies rather than daily practice. Scholars often generalize or set fixed definitions on domestic ritual centered on class, gender, and space. These generalizations are passed on to the objects associated with domestic ritual, the figurines. In my study, I pose that by eliminating such limited terms and definitions about Aztec figurines and domestic ritual might help us gain a better understanding of Aztec daily practice. I argue that by examining figurines one can see the diversity and complexity inherent within domestic ritual that encompassed not only women, but also a variety of participants, social classes, and spaces. / text

In this essay you will witness two different cultural exchanges that the Spaniards experienced in the 16th century, on one hand with the Aztec people from Mexico, and on the other hand with multiple peoples from the Philippines. The purpose of this essay is to find out how the Spaniards responded to facing these cultures for the very first time, and also to explore what the differences between these two exchanges were, and to find out why one led to the slaughter of so many human beings, and the other one did not. To find out why this is, I have examined their letters from the 16th century.

My dissertation investigates how an Aztec religious antiquity was defined and codified in colonial Mexico by focusing on the transformation of Aztec figures of power (Nahuatl: teteoh) into “pagan gods.” Through a wide range of texts, images and pictorial manuscripts produced in colonial Mexico as well as in Santo Domingo, Spain, Italy and the Low Countries, I argue that the dominant interpretation of the Aztec gods that arose in the sixteenth century was an instance of the “reception of reception”: the result of the creative deployment, by central Mexican native elites, of the interpretative strategies of the Conquerors. I eschew traditional ethnohistorical approaches by arguing that the figures that came to be known as the Aztec gods were in fact sixteenth- and seventeenth-century constructions that emerged from the convergence of three phenomena in Post-Conquest Mesoamerica: fifteenth-century Castilian historical culture, early modern antiquarian and humanist intellectual practices, and “native exegesis”—native interpretation and re-creation of tradition, often influenced by rivalries between central-Mexican indigenous elites. I contend that native and mestizo elites held a far greater degree of intellectual agency in creating an image of their own past than what is conveyed by their common characterization as “informants.” Under the epistemic conditions that obtained within a budding colonial society, central-Mexican elites managed to selectively present some of their ancient teteoh under a new light, as deified rulers, founders of political lineages, inventors of important arts and trades, or even as forerunners of an autochthonous monotheism. The Aztec pantheon emerged from an interplay between European and Native forms of exegesis, thus foreclosing clean-cut distinctions between “production” and “reception,” or between “social facts” and “interpretations.” At the same time, the pantheon codified an image of New Spain’s pagan past: a reflection of Classical Antiquity that manifested Mexico-Tenochtitlan’s political hegemony over and against other local traditions. A construction of unparalleled efficacy, the Aztec pantheon still shapes our understanding of Mesoamerican civilizations up to the present day.

No description available.

This dissertation intends to demonstrate the impact of numerology in every aspect of the lives of ancient precolombian people as well as several contemporary American Indian tribes. For this reason numerology may be viewed as a true science, that is both an esoteric and a philosophical one. Thus, numbers may be looked upon not only as abstract signs, but as all inclusive entities in and of themselves. To the ancients, numerical symbols had an occult connotation that transcended the restrictive boundaries of simple computation. For instance, numerology had an integral role in Maya, Aztec, and some contemporary American Indian religious ceremonies. As an example, the high priests were able to predict future events by making intricate numerological computations. Further still, Maya and Aztec calendars were so accurate that they demonstrated an extraordinary knowledge of astronomical events. In order to accurately study the intricate subject of numerology it was necessary to divide the dissertation in several parts. These parts include a concise discussion of the Maya, the Aztec, and certain contemporary American Indian tribes. A general account of Maya, Aztec, and Contemporary American Indian culture and society was included, using the available data of present day archeological and written documents, in order to accurately describe the philosophy of these people. From an examination of the life and culture of these ancient societies, the basis for their myths of creation and the impact of numerology on those particular myths may be easily ascertained. The conclusion discusses how numerology shaped two great civilizations, that of the Maya and Aztecs, and how these basic esoteric numbers were absorbed and changed, to suit the needs and culture of some present day American Indian tribes.