….be very careful to do exactly as the priests, who are Levites, instruct you. You must follow carefully what I have commanded them. Remember what the LORD your God did to Miriam along the way after you came out of Egypt and what he did to Michal and Jezebel. Remember what the priests did to Athaliah in Judah (c.f Deuteronomy. 24:8b-9). These female politicians were cornered, arrested, charged, beheaded and fragmented! Only their heads (names) that were hanged in this public place, the Bible, remained. Nobody would tell that this is Miriam, Michal, Jezebel or Athaliah. Lists of their crimes stand appended to their heads and names in public. When they were all silenced and the kings had sat in their rightful places, all the people of the land rejoiced and there was peace in the cities because these women had been slain (c.f 2 Kings 11:20). So be very careful to follow instruction and rules such that you do not end up like any of them. (Embellished by the author) Indeed, Miriam, Michal, Jezebel and Athaliah are politically killed off in the Hebrew Bible. Certainly, no one would tell from the Hebrew Bible that these women were people of significant political and leadership profiles; but merely as wicked in the history of humanity. All their political significance and contributions were literary and ideologically mutilated and separated from their names and left in the wild to be eaten by stray dogs. Their decapitated and fragmented images minus their political profiles have been ingested into an ideological system that regulates gender world order and influences social, intellectual and linguistic discourses and pictorial misogynistic polemics in the modern world. Figuratively, the remains of these women have been preserved in the way politicians of the ancient times and recent past would keep remains of their opponents. Ancient rulers would preserve a head (skull) of a particular enemy. David in the Bible cuts off Goliath’s head (1 Samuel 17:51); and the Philistines cut off Saul’s head (1 Samuel 31:9). In the Roman Republic of early 1st Century BC, political enemies like Marius and Sulla were decapitated and their heads displayed in the Forum Romanum. In 1355 Marino Faliero, Doge of Venice in medieval Italy was beheaded and his head hanged in a public place for staging a coup that was aborted. English traitors especially during the Elizabethan era were mutilated and their heads customarily spiked on London Bridge and other public places. In all these mutilations, other parts of the body were never accounted for. Stray dogs and other scavengers ate them as the case was with Jezebel in 2 Kings 8. Both head and name are proper national and political identifiers of every individual. So also the name! A head and a name are good identifiers of a person’s identity and activities. In modern times, identity documents and political campaign posters bear personal names and portraits. Preserving mutilated remains of an enemy served an ideological purpose of scarring and deterring future oppositions. It also symbolised total subjugation and control of the enemy. In movies about the political history of Uganda, Idi Amin is shown speaking ridiculously to the mutilated heads of his opponents. Preserving names of female politicians in the way they are preserved in the Hebrew Bible narratives merely serves an ideological purpose. I have argued in this paper that Miriam, Michal, Jezebel and Athaliah are political women. To African postcolonial Bible readers, they are political characters that stand for unconformity, radical activism, dissension, equality and self-reification to lead their people as their male counterparts. Although theirs is leadership based on royalty (and social prestige particularly in the case of Miriam), in their literary form they experience similar chronic maladies of patriarchal stereotype as the modern women whose political participation is based on liberal democracies. They are presented as foreign and aberrant gender in the politics of their time according to the ideological standards of the Hebrew Bible narrator. Their remains in the Hebrew Bible are positioned to ideologically kill off their political significance and portray them as evil women who destabilise the natural order. The study is contextualised on women and politics in sub-Saharan Africa with Uganda and Kenya as case studies. Both Uganda and Kenya are East African countries, with similar colonial experiences. They are predominantly Christian countries and the Bible is a very significant literature in the lives of people. It is literally the Word of God that does not only prescribe a faith, but a culture, philosophy and ideologies that are perceived as holy and pristine in socio-political intercourse of the people. Though the recent histories are different between Kenya and Uganda, in both cases the rise in female influence in politics has been paralleled by a rise in linguistic and sometimes physical abuse of female politicians. The similarities between the androcentric cultural worldview of the Bible and the African cultures have fostered a negative attitude against women’s influence in national politics. The biblical image of Jezebel is often used as a summary figure of this misogyny. Jezebel, the foreign Canaanite queen turned ‘harlot’ by the Dtr redactor is used to name a political threat—a foreign gender group infiltrating the political arena in East Africa.

The bishopric of Brechin has long been viewed as something of an anomaly among the dioceses of medieval Scotland. Its bishops exercised authority over churches and lands in Angus and the Mearns, yet this territory was shared with the much larger diocese of St Andrews, and to a much lesser extent those of Dunkeld and Aberdeen. This complex pattern of landholding and lordship persisted right up until the Reformation and it is a situation unparalleled elsewhere in medieval Scotland. However, although its oddness has been noted by many, scholarly engagement with this area has been limited, focussing mainly on the Céli Dé community and hereditary abbatial family associated with the church at Brechin in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. This thesis examines the bishopric of Brechin in the context of wider church organisation in Angus and the Mearns in the central Middle Ages, seeking to find explanations for its seemingly unique development. The problem is approached from a number of different perspectives: by considering the context of secular lordship in Angus and the Mearns; by examining the parishes and churches which made up the bishopric of Brechin; by exploring saintly commemorations and church dedications, not only in the diocese of Brechin, but throughout Angus and the Mearns; and finally by carrying out a case-study of one of Brechin’s most important churches, that of the burgh of Montrose. This multi-faceted approach demonstrates that the bishopric of Brechin had strong links with the secular lordship of Brechin, the wider holdings of Earl David of Huntingdon in Angus and the Mearns, and indeed with kings of Scots. It also highlights connections between diocesan organisation and a particular devotion to the Virgin Mary, a veneration present in Brechin from the early Middle Ages. In addition to this, a picture emerges of the nearby church of Montrose having been an important ecclesiastical focus to rival Brechin.

The aim of this dissertation is to examine critically the incessant inter-religious conflicts in Northern Nigeria, to identify the real causes of such conflicts and to suggest theological and practical ways to sustain peace building endeavours. Conflicts as an inevitable part of human existence can be triggered and exacerbated by numerous factors. Religion as a powerful impulse in human existence has been used to fuel conflict in Northern Nigeria. Radical religious strife, quest for more converts, colonisation, ethnicity, and perceived political domination have strengthened stereotypical views of the self and the other. Religion is closely intertwined with culture and thus central in the understanding and establishment of peace in society; continue to play paradoxical role in the locality. Religion can be a cause of conflict and a way of conflict resolution. In Nigeria religion has failed to establish the peace which it has claimed to promote, because deep historical feuds have found expression in religion, and religion is thus at the core of the strife as experienced in contemporary Northern Nigeria. The theology of the Second Vatican Council, in which the Roman Catholic Church reflects on its self-understanding as a community and its role in the world, provides a first model for the encounter between Christianity and other religions in mutual understanding. This thesis considers the theological potential of this interreligious encounter (or dialogue) between Islamic and Christian traditions in general and the possibilities and difficulties of dialogue between Muslims and Christians in Northern Nigeria in particular. Moreover, this study delves into the need for engagement between theology and politics in addressing issues of conflict. It explores the theology of interreligious dialogue as a means for a promising peace-building process in Northern Nigeria. Religion as a significant part of the problem is equally essential in proffering solutions. However, taken on their own terms, neither religion nor politics have comprehensive answers. Hence, any peace building project in Northern Nigeria must be multi-faceted. It could be, modelled on a theological approach for encounter and dialogue which examines common grounds for collaboration within the two faith traditions, in an attempt to consider and strengthen peace-building endeavours within the region.

The focus of this dissertation is the county of Cheshire during the momentous religious changes of the sixteenth century. It aims to show that it is unrealistic to expect a monolithic reaction to such change: as in any county a combination of factors came together resulting in a variety of responses. It also seeks to discredit a number of myths which continue to proliferate about local people and events of this time. The prominence given by both contemporaries and subsequent scholars to Catholic survivalism in the neighbouring county of Lancashire has tended to overshadow the position in Cheshire; indeed some studies have conflated the two. A central aim of this dissertation has been to demonstrate that the two counties responded differently, and to seek to explain why this might have been. A chronological approach has been adopted because it was felt that this would afford a cohesive structure. Within each time period certain continuities and recurring themes will become apparent, however. This is, in part, a function of the sources used, since many of these records derive from institutions or practices which continued fundamentally unaffected throughout the period. This was markedly also a time of radical change, and the abolition of some existing institutions and the introduction of new procedures produced new types of records which demonstrate the local impact of some of those changes. The focus of much Reformation scholarship has now moved away from regional studies towards a more thematic approach, representing one strand of post revisionism. One outcome of the local study in this dissertation has been to demonstrate how new regional studies can contribute to a variety of debates by offering fresh insights and conclusions from a re-consideration of familiar evidence and an examination of evidence which may not be widely known.

This thesis seeks to explore the various worlds of early modern spirituality through the lens of one important and influential figure, Arthur Hildersham. Using diocesan, parish, and national records, and a close study of Hildersham’s printed works, it traces the story of one strand of England’s parallel Reformations. Hildersham’s long association with the parish of Ashby-de-la-Zouch provides the opportunity to examine the progress of the puritan Reformation in a particular locality over an extended period. His role as a godly pastor, and the message he delivered to his people, are considered. The thesis attempts to show that the effect of puritanism within a parish community was not necessarily divisive or unpopular, particularly when it was promulgated for many years and supported by a godly patron. Hildersham’s participation in networks of godly sociability and movements for further reformation illustrate how powerful and wide-reaching such associations could be. As an archetype of ‘Jacobethan’ nonseparating nonconformity, Hildersham’s career supplies a focus for looking at shifting configurations of conformity and orthodoxy. His ambivalent relationship with the ecclesiastical establishment, it is argued, demonstrates that even the most principled nonconformists had more agency than is sometimes allowed. How Hildersham was able to maintain a position of influence despite his frequent suspensions is examined. Recent studies of puritan culture have challenged a familiar radical/moderate paradigm, and this thesis supports the argument that the boundaries between mainstream puritans like Hildersham and those on the radical fringes were, in practice, blurred. However, it rejects the conclusion that all puritanism was intrinsically radical and that its adherents were incipient heretics. Hildersham’s legacy allows us to explore how a later age fashioned and used the memory of the past. It is hoped that this study will contribute to our understanding of the multi-layered experience of post-Reformation English religion.

I have investigated the situation in Galatia in Paul’s times, the relationship between Judaism and Christianity in general and the situation in Antioch in John Chrysostom’s times. All the evidence cited in my introductory chapter points to the conclusion that the situation in fourth-century Antioch is very similar to that in first-century Galatia. This study, in part two, deals with early Christian exegesis and its methods of exegesis. It appears that early Christianity took over the existing methods of exegesis which were in use in Hellenism and Judaism adapting them to meet its own needs to confront Arianism, Nestorianism and Monophysitism in the fourth century. A special reference was made to Chrysostom outlining his education, his philosophical and spiritual formation, his use of scripture. I have also dealt with Chrysostom’s use of typology and allegory, the main methods of exegesis espoused by the schools of Antioch and of Alexandria, and his system of exegesis of Paul’s letters. Having given Chrysostom’s position within early Christian exegesis, I have proceeded, in part three, to examine Chrysostom’s understanding of Paul’s statements about the Law, comparing it with that of modern scholarship. The similarities between the situation in first–century Galatia and the situation in fourth-century Antioch, are not the only reason for taking Chrysostom’s understanding of Paul seriously. Chrysostom’s ability to analyse Paul’s rhetorical strategies, his extensive knowledge of scripture and his constant interest in searching for the literal historical meaning of scripture, make him also a good reader of Paul. Finally, and more importantly, Chrysostom’s approach to the question of Paul and the Law provides a coherent line of thought and makes sense of Paul’s views as a whole. Thus, Chrysostom might have a better understanding of Paul, and for these reasons his views should be taken seriously by modern scholarship in their effort to re-evaluate and even to revise their views in order to attain a consensus on the question of Paul and the Law.

Conversion has been a neglected topic in recent New Testament research. The thesis attempts to end this neglect through the pursuit of two inter-connected aims. They are: (i) to clarify crucial theoretical issues surrounding the study of conversion and converts, so making more accessible to New Testament scholars the insights offered by recent studies of conversion in several different disciplines. (ii) to explore the understanding of conversion held by Paul and the Corinthians, so contributing to our knowledge of each, and allowing the perspectives of an advocate of conversion and those who responded to his advocacy to be compared. The structure of the thesis flows from these aims. Part 1, Studying Conversion and Converts, examines theoretical issues. The nature of conversion is discussed. Is conversion a universal phenomenon or a particular one? Is it essentially an individual phenomenon or a social one? It is concluded that conversion is best approached through particular understandings of it, but that there are some common features across time and across the boundaries of religious traditions. One of the most important of these common features is that conversion involves both a personally acknowledged transformation of the self and a socially recognised display of change. Alongside the need to understand conversion stands the need to understand converts. Recent studies recognise that converts are active in their own transformation, especially in the accounts which they offer of their conversion experience. Taking issue with dominant recent trends, it is concluded that although such conversion accounts develop they do not necessarily distort. The work on conversion of New Testament scholars Gaventa and Segal is briefly reviewed in the light of the preceding theoretical discussions, and some broad questions with which to approach particular understandings of conversion are defined. These concern expectations as to how conversion takes place, and expectations as to its consequences. Anthony Gidden's structuration theory is selected as an appropriate theoretical resource with which to pursue these questions.

This study aims to show that when the religious dimension of the women's suffrage movement is considered, it can be seen that while the Scottish Presbyterian Churches at an official level remained neutral in their attitudes, the ministers and members of the Churches gave significant and varied support to the campaign, and their efforts contributed to the success of the suffrage movement. Although the term 'the religious dimension' includes both positive and negative response to the movement in the Churches, this thesis concentrates on the positive efforts which were made. Chronologically, it covers the period from the official founding of the national suffrage organisations in 1867 to the enfranchisement of women in 1918. In surveying the history of the movement, account will be taken of both male and female contributions to the cause. This thesis consists of seven chapters. Chapter I surveys previous studies and outlines the scope of this piece of research. Chapter II contexualises the role and status of women within the Church and within society during the period which the thesis covers. In particular, it examines the relationship between women's religious suffrage and the women's political franchise movement, and explores factors contributing to the Churches' concern for women's suffrage.

The Nicene Creed (AD 325), expressly states that Jesus Christ "for our salvation came down from heaven" and that He "was crucified also for us under Pontius Pilate. He suffered and was buried and the third day He rose again, according to the scriptures." Here the structure and sequence of soteriological events are explicitly stated in creedal formulation, where Christ's crucifixion holds the strategic centre point, where Jesus not only dies, but dies for our salvation. The Cross is the emblematic sign of Christian authenticity, the kernel of the kerygma of faith and paradoxically the preferred mechanism that God uses for salvation. Indeed, St Paul proclaimed to the world in the first century: "We preach Christ crucified a stumbling block to Jews and folly to Gentiles, but to those who are called, both Jews and Greeks, Christ the power of God and the wisdom of God." Even in the Gospels the apparent contradictory sign of the Messiah being nailed to a tree is highlighted, with taunts from onlookers and the last satanic tempatation, to "save yourself and come down from the Cross", is used to psychologically torment him in a last ditch attempt to abort the salvific enterprise; but salvation transparently can only come through the acceptance of the Cross. For as the great Spanish mystic and doctor of the Church St John of the Cross declares: "If you desire to possess Christ, never seek him without the Cross ... whoever seeks not the Cross of Christ, also seeks not the glory of Christ." Jesus indicates the magnetic pull of the Cross when He says in His own words: "and I, when I am lifted up from the Earth, will draw all men to myself", thus indicating the portal or ladder to heaven that the Cross symbolizes, where the divine glory shines diaphanously through the wood of the Cross. "It is as well to remember, however, that when we speak about the glory of God we are in fact speaking about the disclosure of his nature, which means that in his death, Jesus glorifies God and he himself is glorified; in other words, we see here the nature of God, and the nature of his Son. The glory of God is revealed." On Good Friday the centrality and instrumentality of the Cross is venerated, "behold the wood of the Cross on which hung the saviour of the world." The Cross is thus heavily laden with soteriological significance but we should never look at the Cross without being reminded of the resurrection, for the death and resurrection of Christ cannot be separated, since both are part of the mysterious purpose of God.

The core theme of this thesis explores the evolving position of religion in the British public realm in the 1980s. Recent scholarship on modern religious history has sought to relocate Britain's "secularization moment" from the industrialization of the nineteenth century to the social and cultural upheavals of the 1960s. My thesis seeks to add to this debate by examining the way in which the established Church and Christian doctrine continued to play a central role in the politics of the 1980s. More specifically it analyses the conflict between the Conservative party and the once labelled "Tory party at Prayer", the Church of England. Both Church and state during this period were at loggerheads, projecting contrasting visions of the Christian underpinnings of the nation's political values. The first part of this thesis addresses the established Church. It begins with an examination of how the Church defined its role as the "conscience of the nation" in a period of national fragmentation and political polarization. It then goes onto explore how the Anglican leadership, Church activists and associated pressure groups together subjected Thatcherite neo-liberal economics to moral scrutiny and upheld social democratic values as the essence of Christian doctrine. The next chapter analyses how the Church conceptualized Christian citizenship and the problems it encountered when it disseminated this message to its parishioners. The second half of this study focuses on the contribution of Christian thought to the New Right. Firstly, it explores the parallels between political and religious conservatism in this period and the widespread disaffection with liberal Anglicanism, revealing how Parliament became one of the central platforms for the traditionalist Anglican cause. Secondly, it demonstrates how those on the right argued for the Christian basis of economic liberalism and of the moral superiority of capitalism over socialism. The next chapter focuses on the public doctrine of Margaret Thatcher, detailing how she drew upon Christian doctrine, language and imagery to help shape and legitimise her political vision and reinforce her authority as leader. Finally, the epilogue traces the why this Christian-centric dialogue between the Church and Conservative government eventually dissipated and was superseded by a much more fundamental issue in the 1990s as both the ruling elite and the Church were forced to recognise the religious diversity within British society.