This thesis examines secret intelligence cooperation between three asymmetric partners – specifically the UK, US and Turkey – from the end of the Second World War until Turkey’s first military coup d'état on 27 May 1960. The thesis shows that our understanding of the Cold War as a binary rivalry between the two blocs is too simple an approach and obscures important characteristics of intelligence cooperation among allies. To reveal a more comprehensive analysis of intelligence cooperation, this thesis develops our understanding of it more broadly, by developing a model called ‘intelligence diplomacy’. This model explores a vital, if little understood, aspect of contemporary international relations given the prevalence of transnational threats today. Intelligence diplomacy involves negotiations and the exploitation of different aspects of joint intelligence activities, synchronized between diplomats and specialized intelligence officers. While such efforts often result in overlap between diplomats and intelligence liaison efforts, there is strong evidence that the acts of intelligence services vary from the instructions of their foreign ministries. The thesis also shows that a pragmatic approach offers states new opportunities to protect national interests, by conducting intelligence diplomacy to influence crucial areas such as nuclear weapons and to exploit cooperation in support of their own strategic imperatives. By doing so this thesis not only reveals previously-unexplored origins of secret intelligence cooperation between Turkey and the West, but also contributes to wider academic debates on the nature of the Cold War by highlighting the potential agency of weaker states in the Western Alliance.

M.A. / The first section relates to the period of the 18th century Europe, during which the Enlightenment movement matured, followed by the description of the process of how the new philosophy of the Enlightenment affected the united orthodox countries of the Balkans.The reaffirmation which these ideas brought to the Mediterranean in the context of intellectual, social and political life, contributed to the formation of the Modern Greek Enlightenment period, which resulted in the creation of the modern political Greek state. In the second section, the aims of the Education are presented, in the state of the Hellenic Education is shown during the period of the Modern Greek Enlightenment. The education struggle, together with other sectors, prepared the Hellenes, intellectually, morally, and socially to undertake the liberation struggle of 1821. The third section deals with the life of Ioannis Kapodistrias with reference to his youth studies and early activities. Thereafter, follows and analysis of the political, social and intellectual state of the Ionian Islands during the period of the Modern Greek Enlightenment. The free Eptanisa State, where Ioannis Kapodistrias revealed his political aptitude and diplomatic abilities, is also examined. Particular emphasis is given to Ioannis Kapodistrias’s efforts and endeavours for education in the Ionian State. This effort culminated in the establishment and functioning of the Tenedos College. The section ends with the departure of Ioannis Kapodistrias for Petroupolis (Saint Petersburg). The fourth section initially deals with the development of the diplomatic career of Ioannis Kapodistrias in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Russia, which was interrupted by the Greek Revolution and after unsuccessfully exhausting all efforts to involve tsar Alexandros I in action against Turkey. After his final resignation in 1827, Ioannis Kapodistrias accepts Greece’s appeal to involve himself actively in the revolution. The fourth section includes, as well, Kapodistrias’s educational policy and activities during this period. This valuable developments result in the establishment of the Filomoussos Society of Vienna whose goal was to educate the Hellenic youth of the time and also to emphasize Greece’s national problem. The fifth section refers to the nationalistic visions of Ioannis Kapodistrias regarding the political restoration of the Hellenes, as well as to his educational policies, his legacy to the Hellenic Nation and the recognition of his contribution.

This thesis explores the different scales of sociality (or social interaction) found within the LBK through the lens of a broadly meshwork-based perspective. It evaluates the hypotheses that people in the LBK lived in and recognised multiple levels of 'community', that these different communities overlapped, resulting in negotiation and possibly conflict; and that membership of these communities was potentially open and fluid, varying according to season, task or personal preference. With the help of meshwork-thinking, I explore the social relationships that helped to define the LBK. In doing so, I demonstrate that this dynamic, multi-dimensional approach can offer a new perspective on understanding the degree of homogeneity and variation within the LBK tradition. The core of the thesis is divided into three case studies, each concentrating on a specific scale of analysis. The first case study focuses on social interaction at the household scale and considers the emergence of individual households, household complexes and co-operative groups of households within the Merzbach and Schlangengraben valleys. The second case study explores the inter-play between competing family and clan/lineage identities at the scale of the settlement cluster or micro-region. The third case study zooms out to the regional scale of the Lower Rhine basin, tracing more geographically spread patterns in the material culture as well as interaction with non-LBK groups beyond the loess regions. Calling on these cases studies, I also consider how scale was experienced in the LBK.

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This text deals with croatian admission process to the EU. The objective is to find out whether Croatia meets political part of the Copenhagen criteria. First part is concerned with croatian political developement since the break-up of Yugoslavia. Second part deals with EU approach to the region of Western Balkan concerning process of enlargement and association. Last part describes admission negotiations between Croatia and EU including assessment of meeting political part of Copenhagen criteria.

The topic of religious radicalization in the Balkans is gaining attention among academia in recent years. However, motivational factors of radicalization in the region still remain rather under-researched. Furthermore, comprehensive research focusing particularly on the motivational factors of Islamist radicalization in the Muslim-majority countries of the Balkans - countries with a specific context and background unique in the wider Europe - hasn't been yet carried out. This paper thus elaborates on the motivational factors of radicalization in the Muslim-majority countries of the Balkans, which is Bosnia and Herzegovina, Albania and Kosovo, by applying generally-known factors of radicalization to this specific theatre. Predominantly secondary sources as well as documents issued by the OSCE which maintains field presence in all of the abovementioned countries are utilized in order to provide a thorough overview of motivational factors of radicalization in each of the selected countries. These are discussed respectively in corresponding chapters. Individual chapters are in dialogue with each other following the same methodology and structure, focusing on similar issues. A comprehensive overview of the motivational factors of radicalization in Balkan Muslim-majority countries is thus presented. Applying the...

Since the late 1990s there has been an increasing interest in the representation of Balkan culture in the literary works of authors writing in English. Scholars (Bakić-Hayden 1995, Todorova 1997, Goldsworthy 1998, Norris 1999, Hammond 2010) have shown how literary representations of the Balkans have reflected and reinforced its stereotypical construction as Europe’s “dark and untamed Other. However, the contribution of translated literature in the representation of these images has rarely been considered, and in particular that of children’s literature has been seriously neglected. Thus, this study of images of the Western Balkans in translated children’s literature published in the period of 1990 2013, adds a hitherto uncharted literary terrain to the Balkanist discourses and helps shed a new and more complete light on the literary representations of the Balkans, and the Western Balkans more precisely. Children’s literature has been selected for the scope of this study due to its potential to transform and change deeply rooted stereotypes. The study approaches translations as framing and representation sites that contest or promote stereotypes in the global literary market. English has been selected as a target language due to its global position as а mediating language for the promotion of international literature, and with that also carrying stereotypes and transmitting them efficiently. This study looks at the images embedded in the texts, both source and target, and their representation in translation, including the translator’s interventions, but even more at the level of paratexts, and especially in the use of illustrations. It also examines adaptations accompanying the presentation of the translated book into the target society, such as documentaries, music scores and theatre performances. The discussion also considers how a book is selected for translation, and how different production participants contribute in the whole process of translation, including their motivations and goals, as well as their location. Using the methodology of imagology (Leerssen, 2007), and multimodal visual analysis (Kress and van Leeuwen, 1996, 2006), five case studies are elaborated, covering books from five different countries in the Western Balkans (Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Serbia, Macedonia, and Montenegro) and from five different types within children’s literature (non-fiction, anthology, novel, picturebook, and an e-book). The five case studies confirm the complexity of the topic at hand. Although there are no firm patterns in the production of English translations of contemporary children’s literature from the Western Balkans we can point out several observations. While the translations of the text, in most cases, closely follow the source text, with only slight interventions by some of the translators, the translated books differ quite significantly in their paratexts, especially illustrations and adaptations accompanying the book for the target culture. In terms of the representation of violence, as one of the predominant stereotypical characteristics of the Western Balkans, images vary from direct representation of violence to full erasure of violent acts. The discussion on presenting violence is analysed from two distinct points of view, the two traits of auto- and hetero- images as identifies in the case studies. In cases of self-representation, the case studies show a network of production participants in which the source author can be seen as the driving force in the process, usually recruiting friends and supporters to perform other tasks in the process translators, illustrators, publishers, etc. The auto-images take the form of ‘nesting’ Balkanisms, balancing (non)violent masculinities, or centring on love and humaneness. On the other hand, networks led by translators/editors located in the target culture will more often be motivated by commercial factors, along with representation of the source culture, thus either emphasizing the preconceived stereotypes of dominant violence in the Western Balkans, or turning towards globalizing the images of violence.

The Western Balkans have had a unique and complex negotiation process with the European Union. Montenegro and Serbia are two countries whose negotiation process has been most successful. This comparative case study wants to examine which rewards and warnings the Union has used on the countries and identify which similarities and differences inapplication there are. What the study further wants is to explain how the structure can help in understanding of the negotiation process. The study uses Gateva's stage structured conditionality model as an analysis tool to answer the study's questions. The result shows that the EU used similar rewards and warnings on Montenegro and Serbia and that the biggest difference is that the Union financially sanctioned Serbia more often. It is clear that the Union used the structure to varying degrees and that it comes as a result of countries meeting slightly different conditions. This may explain the differences in the negotiation process.

The influence of nationalism on different heritage sites within the former Yugoslavian region – similarities and differences.  Five heritage sites are examined and discussed, the Bosnian “Pyramids”, Jajce fortress, the Old Bridge Mostar, Mrakovica monument and Ptuj castle. Most these sites have had issues with their own narratives, either being reinvented or contested, which later led to greater consequences. While the active use of most of these sites is in the past the Bosnian “pyramids” are still active and in contradiction to the opinion of most archaeologists and scientific institutions. With narrative freedom the Bosnian “pyramids” risk following the same path other heritage sites have in the past.

Ava, A Novel is the story of a young Bosnian Muslim artist forcibly impregnated during the Balkan War and displaced to America.