This thesis examines the current Chinese foreign policy, planning and practice in terms of the strategic cultural studies which was developed and used by the United States during the cold war to accurately interpret the strategic thinking of the Soviet Union. The studies, after 30 years of evolution has made its contribution to the interpretation of national strategic behavior as well. The strategic cultural studies, however, has also aroused widespread concern because it entirely breaks the traditional boundaries of disciplines, science and culture, philosophy and strategic research, trying to interpret the strategic phenomenon in terms of ideology and culture, and clarifying the relevance of the phenomenon¡¦s past, present, and future. More importantly, the strategic culture studies questions the concept of structure of realism that a nation is a single, common, non-historical, and rational actor, but assumes that the strategic environment and its response are the results of historical building and social learning. The establishment of China¡¦s national policy at different times has been determined by two factors: the ever-changing domestic and international environments and the influence of its national leader. So after four national leaders and from the perspective of China¡¦s national strategy, the CPC foreign policy can be basically divided into two periods: prior and post reform and opening up. Before the 1978 reform, China was forced to deal with the two superpowers, the United States and the Soviet Union, and the then national leader Mao Zedong decided to adopt its foreign policy largely based on the "war and revolution,". As a result, China classed all the countries around the world by means of international class struggle, and utilized the strategy of the united front to confront them. While it helped China to raise its national self-esteem, national unity and morale , most of the time the nation had to pay a painful price due to the ignorance of reality . Since China began to adopt the policy of reforming and opening up in 1980s, the nation has changed its strategic development course from politics to economy, making it necessary to ponder its foreign policy rationally; therefore, the national interest has become the fundamental directives of it. International observers note that China has moved from the "war and revolution" to "peace and development", and the peripheral peace has become the core issue of the nation¡¦s foreign policy. Ruled by Deng Xiaoping, Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao, China¡¦s comprehensive national strength has risen rapidly, and its regional and even global influence has been increasing at the same time. The responsibility of a great power and the national image have become increasingly important to China., so based on Deng Xiaoping's diplomatic policy , Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao, in response to domestic and international evolution of the situation, have continued to put forward such diplomatic discourses as "great power diplomacy", "new security concept", "peaceful rise", and "harmonious world", with particular emphasis on culture. It can be perceived that while enhancing the traditional national strength, China also emphasizes on the influence that culture has exerted on international community. And the PRC has been stressing "Chinese characteristics", which has made a great impact on the international community dominated by the Western values . "Beijing Consensus" and "China threat " are the direct reflection of this trend. Contrary to the Cold War, military forces nowadays can not completely reflect a nation's influence. In the 21st century, A nation¡¦s influence has a new name: an international image, which can only be obtained through moral, intellectual, scientific, artistic, economic, cultural and other achievements by a nation. They can be perceived as an ideal projection of international image. This development has made the CCP's foreign policy, regardless of political, economic, security and cultural aspects, change from isolation to participation and cooperation with other countries. As China¡¦s comprehensive national strength increases, its demand for the international responsibility and authority will increase accordingly, which is a correct way a nation should act diplomatically. However, this will inevitably lead to restructuring of the international authority, causing the counter-attack of the old forces. An all-out confrontation will eventually arise in the cognition of both power and values. Thus, the reaction of powers like the United States will become the restrictions and challenges of CPC's foreign policy. Facing the rise of Chinese influence and intertwined with the power struggle of the United States and China, Taiwan has to deal with these complicated issues with maximum discretion, and it will surely become a major issue in developing our own foreign policy .

No description available.

The main objective of this study is to analyse Trade Policy of PRC in Sub-Saharan Africa in a comparison with an approach of western countries. Moreover describe causes of dynamically developing Sino-African cooperation in last fifteen years, when China became a strategic business partner of many countries in the region at the expense of western countries which in the past represented traditional business partners of Sub-Saharan countries. First part describes period of economic reforms in China which started remarkable economic growth and helped the country to become one of the world trade superpowers. Then it defines characteristics of Sub-Saharan Africa which influence international trade relations of the region, both in a positive and negative way. Second part summarize trade between Sub-Saharan Africa and China describing history of trade relations and current territorial and commodity structure of the trade. Third part analyses PRC Trade Policy in Sub-Saharan Africa which is based on principles of Beijing Consensus. This part provides a comparison of different approach of China and western countries (their approach is based on Washington Consensus) towards their business partner in Sub-Saharan Africa. Afterwards, it summarizes different tools of China's trade policy in this region, which are then demonstrated on case studies of Angola and Nigeria.

The objective of my master's thesis, "Sino-American Ideological Clash: Washington Consensus and Beijing Consensus" is to consider two models of economic development, the Washington Consensus and the Beijing consensus. In the first part, I analyze the discourse that evolves around these two concepts, and I also consolidate the definitions of these terms. Washington Consensus was a set of specific rules for macroeconomic policy of the state. As a result of the ending Cold War, the discrediting of alternative models of economic development and direct link of this model to the financial support from international financial institutions, the popularity of the Washington consensus in the 1990s soared. The democratization of the country was perceived as another unwritten rule. In the wake of the Asian financial crisis of 1997, as well as other crises in developing countries which actively engaged the World Bank and IMF, the term has been largely discredited. It was associated with concepts like 'shock therapy', 'neoliberalism' or 'market fundamentalism'. Meanwhile, the long-term economic growth of China drew the attention of developing countries. In connection with the declining popularity of the Washington Consensus and the global economic crisis, the demand for alternative development policies increased. The...

No description available.