This thesis examines the current Chinese foreign policy, planning and practice in terms of the strategic cultural studies which was developed and used by the United States during the cold war to accurately interpret the strategic thinking of the Soviet Union. The studies, after 30 years of evolution has made its contribution to the interpretation of national strategic behavior as well. The strategic cultural studies, however, has also aroused widespread concern because it entirely breaks the traditional boundaries of disciplines, science and culture, philosophy and strategic research, trying to interpret the strategic phenomenon in terms of ideology and culture, and clarifying the relevance of the phenomenon¡¦s past, present, and future. More importantly, the strategic culture studies questions the concept of structure of realism that a nation is a single, common, non-historical, and rational actor, but assumes that the strategic environment and its response are the results of historical building and social learning. The establishment of China¡¦s national policy at different times has been determined by two factors: the ever-changing domestic and international environments and the influence of its national leader. So after four national leaders and from the perspective of China¡¦s national strategy, the CPC foreign policy can be basically divided into two periods: prior and post reform and opening up. Before the 1978 reform, China was forced to deal with the two superpowers, the United States and the Soviet Union, and the then national leader Mao Zedong decided to adopt its foreign policy largely based on the "war and revolution,". As a result, China classed all the countries around the world by means of international class struggle, and utilized the strategy of the united front to confront them. While it helped China to raise its national self-esteem, national unity and morale , most of the time the nation had to pay a painful price due to the ignorance of reality . Since China began to adopt the policy of reforming and opening up in 1980s, the nation has changed its strategic development course from politics to economy, making it necessary to ponder its foreign policy rationally; therefore, the national interest has become the fundamental directives of it. International observers note that China has moved from the "war and revolution" to "peace and development", and the peripheral peace has become the core issue of the nation¡¦s foreign policy. Ruled by Deng Xiaoping, Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao, China¡¦s comprehensive national strength has risen rapidly, and its regional and even global influence has been increasing at the same time. The responsibility of a great power and the national image have become increasingly important to China., so based on Deng Xiaoping's diplomatic policy , Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao, in response to domestic and international evolution of the situation, have continued to put forward such diplomatic discourses as "great power diplomacy", "new security concept", "peaceful rise", and "harmonious world", with particular emphasis on culture. It can be perceived that while enhancing the traditional national strength, China also emphasizes on the influence that culture has exerted on international community. And the PRC has been stressing "Chinese characteristics", which has made a great impact on the international community dominated by the Western values . "Beijing Consensus" and "China threat " are the direct reflection of this trend. Contrary to the Cold War, military forces nowadays can not completely reflect a nation's influence. In the 21st century, A nation¡¦s influence has a new name: an international image, which can only be obtained through moral, intellectual, scientific, artistic, economic, cultural and other achievements by a nation. They can be perceived as an ideal projection of international image. This development has made the CCP's foreign policy, regardless of political, economic, security and cultural aspects, change from isolation to participation and cooperation with other countries. As China¡¦s comprehensive national strength increases, its demand for the international responsibility and authority will increase accordingly, which is a correct way a nation should act diplomatically. However, this will inevitably lead to restructuring of the international authority, causing the counter-attack of the old forces. An all-out confrontation will eventually arise in the cognition of both power and values. Thus, the reaction of powers like the United States will become the restrictions and challenges of CPC's foreign policy. Facing the rise of Chinese influence and intertwined with the power struggle of the United States and China, Taiwan has to deal with these complicated issues with maximum discretion, and it will surely become a major issue in developing our own foreign policy .

This thesis examines the way in which China's share of the rare earths global industry is constructed as a threat. The central argument of the research is that the US discourse presented a new form of danger through the lens of classical geopolitical thinking, thus, creating a new type of prospective conflict derived from resources that are perceived to be scarce and yet relatively abundant. It argues that the construction of this 'threat' that the US faces is a constant articulation of perceived vulnerabilities in shaping geopolitical identities and reinforcing ideologies through which are carried out by different actors. Rare earths are crucial for modern conditions and their applications include commercial, military and green technology but mining and production are neither economical nor environmentally friendly. The People's Republic of China is the principal exporter of these rare metals, but because of a territorial dispute in the South China Sea in 2010 it has been labelled as a monopoly power. This study seeks to examine the constructed threat that China poses to the US. China, here, is not only constructed to be a resource hungry giant but also a malicious state that would utilise its 'monopoly' status as geopolitical leverage. The thesis will employ discourse analysis and wisdoms of...

This study aims to explore the presence of ”China threat” and the securitization of China in Swedish print media. The key objective is to measure the portrayal of China as a threat and if/how that representation has changed during the time period 2012-2022. This is studied through a frame analysis investigating China as an ideological, military, and economic threat. The study shows that the usage of portraying China as an ideological, military and/or economic threat is indeed present and increasing during the period, with a peak of publications in 2019. All frames are used by all studied newspapers, and there is a growing trend visualized through the data. This trend demonstrates that the perspective of China as a threat has become more normative in reporting, proving the notion of that securitization as a speech act is in fact present in the investigated time period. The articles are not portraying China as a direct threat to the readers in Sweden, but rather through ways of causal interpretation and moral evaluation that conceives China as a threat to the liberal international order. The most frequently used attributions are within the ideological threat frame, the second most used frame is the military one closely followed by the usage of attributions from the economic frame. Understanding how China is framed and perceived in Swedish print media can be useful in the exploration of the nuanced phenomena of Sweden-China relations, completed and future policy interventions, and to understand the influences of opinion that the readers might receive to secure an informed, impartial, and globally aware society. This study can be seen as an ignition towards further research in this nestled marvel of securitization and global politics.

The Taiwanese middle class has experienced two waves of crisis over the past three decades in the context of a colonization transition involving globalization and democratization as primary catalysts. On the economic front, Taiwan’s economy has become increasingly integrated into the Chinese market, resulting approximately one million of the Taiwanese middle class relocating to China. Moreover, neoliberal economic reforms have led to a downsized state sector of the Taiwanese economy. These economic changes affect the growth and stability of the Taiwanese middle class. Meanwhile, on the political front, an ongoing democratic consolidation and decolonization efforts have brought about significant political changes in Taiwan that have deepened Taiwanese nationalism. While economic and political processes appear to be opposite, however, in reality they have been mutually reinforcing, causing increasingly differentiated middle class. The political economy dynamics conditioned in a colonial context suggest that the swing voters of a differentiated middle class play a pivotal role in determining electoral outcomes, and electoral outcomes reshape the differentiated middle class.

After the ending of the Cold War and the break down of the Soviet Union, the old polarized system collapsed and the new international structure of world powers hasn't formed yet in a short time. Researchers of international relations have diversely defined the new framework of world power as ¡§uni-polar¡¨¡B ¡§ multi-polar¡¨ or ¡§multi-powers under uni- polar¡¨. From the perspectives of China, the definition of ¡§ multi-powers under uni- polar¡¨ can most properly describe the new international system and is completely in accordance with the international strategy of China. In the assumption, uni-polar means US and multi-powers means other important powers, including major regional actors or groups like China､Russia､Japan､EU and some newly developing powers like India､Brazil and South Africa. In response to the huge change of international system and in order to develop much more power of influence on international affairs,China introduced the concept of ¡§New Security perspective¡¨ to try to develop common interests with major powers and neighboring states through cooperation and dialogues. Then in 2003, China publicly proposed the concept of ¡§Peaceful Rise¡¨ and soon has been regarded as competitive opponent by U.S.A and countries around China. The way China rose aroused the attention of the international society and ¡§China Threat Theory¡¨ has become more and more well-known. The purpose of this research is to explore the theoretical basis､strategic value and purposes of the theory about China's peaceful rise, and extensively to analyze how China develops new international strategies and comprehensive national power. Additionally, I try to develop findings about the theme and hope that will helpful for our government to scheme corresponding policies to ensure our national security.

Abstract. The outbreak of the novel coronavirus put democratic process, and security architecture across the globe in jeopardy. The global health crisis galvanised the proliferation of pandemic-related disinformation and other malign influence operations, and this phenomenon gave birth to a new buzzword, known as "infodemic". The "infodemic" provided hostile countries with a possibility to launch disinformation campaigns and other malign communication efforts, which in most cases were attributed to external state actors, such as China and Russia. Both actors aimed to weaken the legitimacy of European institutions, and undermine its democratic process. The "infodemic", thus, posed a threat to the EU's security and became a watershed moment in the disinformation discourse for the EU. In the aftermath, this mounting threat of disinformation was instantly acknowledged by EU representatives and institutions in their numerous official statements and policy documents. This dissertation examines the EU's approach towards Chinese and Russian disinformation campaigns through the lenses of securitisation theory and evaluates the success of this process. The findings of the evaluation showcased that neither Russian nor Chinese disinformation was successfully securitised by the EU. It also argues that the EU has...

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中國於1971年加入聯合國，藉此重返國際社會；但在毛澤東主政下，中國仍自我封鎖。鄧小平於1976年接替毛澤東後，終於在1979年開啟中國的大門；此時國際環境中現有的規則、制度及價值，大多為西方國家所主導。中國做為後來者，在二十年間成為亞洲經濟的動力來源，世界各國無不密切觀察其快速的崛起；對於中國在國際體系中扮演的角色，以及該如何面對中國竄升的實力，國際間出現兩種看法。 第一種看法將中國視為必須加以防堵的威脅，第二種則將中國視為可透過交往加以運用的機會。「中國威脅論」之說，在1989年的六四天安門鎮壓事件發生後到達顛峰，中國面臨遭到國際孤立的局面，中國政府因此深刻體認到國際聲譽及形象受損的嚴重後果。而當中國共產黨執政的正當性日益仰賴經濟改革成果之際，中國政府更急於塑造友善的國際環境，使其經濟改革得以前進。中國政府開始啟動了全面的國際形象改造，以緩和將中國視為威脅的國際氛圍。 中國領導人自此大力宣傳其「和平崛起」，並在其傳統文化中尋找「軟實力」元素，做為推展多面向公眾外交的後盾。本文內容主要檢視中國擁有的軟實力資源，及其推動高層官員出訪、積極參與國際論壇、主辦北京奧運及上海博覽會等公眾外交作為，結論認為中國的國際形象改造計畫，在全球不同的區域獲致不同的成效。 / China reentered the international community in 1971 when it joined the United Nations, but it remained a closed country under Mao’s watch. Deng Xiaoping succeeded Mao in 1976 and he opened China’s door in 1979 to a global environment where existing rules, institutions, and values had been largely shaped by western countries. In two decades the latecomer has become the economic powerhouse in Asia and has had other states watching its rapid rise in the global community. Two rival views have since emerged as to China’s role in the international order and how to deal with its rising power. The first deems China as a threat to be contained. The second projects China as an opportunity that can be employed through engagement. The “China threat” argument reached its height after the crackdown on student protest at the Tiananmen Square on June 4, 1989. The aftermath of international isolation seriously alerted the Chinese government to the effect of severe damage to its reputation and image internationally. As the Chinese Communist Party’s power legitimacy increasingly relies on delivering economic success, the Chinese government became ever more eager to create a friendly international environment where its economic development may be furthered. The Chinese government has since launched a sweeping reform of its global image to smooth away the perception of China as a threat. Chinese leaders have since touted its “peaceful rise” and turned to its traditional culture for soft power resources to better support its public diplomacy on all possible fronts. Examining China’s soft power resources and its efforts in staging high-level official visits, actively participating in international forums, and hosting the Beijing Olympics and the Shanghai World Exposition, this thesis finds that China’s global image promotion has reaped various degree of success in different regions.

¡@With the change of economic globalization, the national security is no longer just the traditional nation defense or military security. Economic, political, diplomatic, technological, cultural, environmental and other fields related to national development are gradually considered into the scope of national security. Among, Economic security is the core of national security now. The protection of economic security concern about nation development, such as nation defense, diplomacy, and the standard of people¡¦s living. Not only every department in nation is interdependent with each other, but also any economy can't live alone. Economic development has closely relationship with the use of energy. No matter developed countries or developing countries, their reliance various energy are increasing (especially oil); however, because of the limited resource endowment, the energy competition is one of leading to the tense international relations. ¡@The distribution of oil is uneven. Middle East has more than half of the crude oil reserve, and the top ten largest oil reserve countries hold the 80% of the world¡¦s total reserve. But, the most two oil consumption region, North America and Asia Pacific, only own 8.7% oil reserve. United States and China are the largest oil consumption countries, while United States oil dependency is above 60%, and almost 60% of China¡¦s oil demand need to import from other countries. In order to sustain economic development (need enough oil energy), the imbalance of demand and supply let China and other oil-consuming countries have to negotiate with the oil-producing region - Middle East, Central and South America, and Africa. Africa is one of China¡¦s oil import region. China strengthen Sino-Africa relation through leader conference, high-level visits, Forum on China - Africa Cooperation, China¡¦s oil company¡¦s energy investment in Africa, economic aid, infrastructure and other diplomatic measures. The comprehensive cooperation contributes China to get Africa's oil resources.

This paper is tried to find out by neo-institutional view if there is China Threat theory or China Opportunity theory. And, it‟s researched interaction of ASEAN and China after Cold War by historic structure analysis, and tried to sum up the Political Economy interaction of ASEAN and China. Researching by historic structure analysis, the Political Economy of ASEAN-China Relations is from "close, separation, and then close." With the trend of globalization and regionalization, both sides understand the importance of cooperation. Besides, the process of institutional cooperation to benefit only care about whether transaction costs are saved, but not consider about self-benefit is more than others countries. Hence, from the point of the neo-institutionalism, there is no absolute China Threat theory or China Opportunity theory. Finally, it could help reduce fraud by the establishment of the system to make cooperation more effective, and reduce sense of mutual distrust. This argument is verified t in this paper.