Thesis (Ph. D.--Patna University). / Hindi and Sanskrit. Includes bibliographical references (p. 382-387).

Thesis (Th. M.)--Dallas Theological Seminary, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves [36]-37).

In this thesis I provide an additional perspective on the development of Rādhā- Kṛṣṇa who are regarded as the central divinity in many religious traditions in South Asia, by examining the primary sources of the Nimbārka Sampradāya. This school of the Hindu religious tradition of Vaiṣṇavism is unique in its identification of the ontological category of Brahman (the supreme being) solely with Rādhā-Kṛṣṇa, where both are conjointly understood to be the eternal deity, not an avatāra (incarnation) or vyūha (emanation). Previous scholarship on the early phases of this sampradāya has focussed on issues of philosophy and doctrine, with a few attempts beset by demonstrably deficient reasoning at positing a chronology. Although the later tradition has been documented in detail, owing to the absence of a settled chronology, mechanisms of Nimbārkī inter-sectarian relations at this stage of development in early modern Vraja (Braj) have not been satisfactorily established. In Part One, I provide a survey of the current theories on the development of Kṛṣṇa (who has received wide scholarly treatment) and Rādhā, re-evaluating Sanskrit and Prakrit textual and epigraphic sources with focus on the divinity of these two figures, positing that although there exist allusions to the godhood of Kṛṣṇa antecedent to the common era, the same cannot be said of Rādhā. Part Two discusses the sources available for Nimbārka and with a view to bringing to light any noteworthy findings, on the basis of comparative studies of the Brahmasūtra commentarial tradition I provide a new chronology for Nimbārka and his immediate followers. Following on from this, I discuss Nimbārka’s works in which is presented his innovation: the deification of Rādhā-Kṛṣṇa. I then examine the rationalisation of this doctrine by Puruṣottama (third successor to Nimbārka), whose exegetical efforts diminish the impact of this teaching in the wider Vaiṣṇava context. In Part Three, I turn to the legacy of Nimbārka and in an important revelation for Vaiṣṇava studies, I show that whilst the early tradition reserved the theological identity of Brahman for the most eligible initiates, in 15th century Vraja a renaissance of Rādhā-Kṛṣṇa devotion was instigated by Keśava Kāśmīrin, Śrībhaṭṭa and Harivyāsa Deva who influenced the contemporary and later sects which, in the modern period, have transported the phenomenon of Rādhā-Kṛṣṇa devotion across the globe.

<p>No Abstract Included.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

This dissertation sheds new light on the nature and development of Hindu devotional religiosity (bhakti) by drawing attention to bhakti's understudied historical relationships with Tantra, Yoga, and Sufism. Specifically, this thesis explains the phenomenal rise of bhakti in early modern north India as a process of identity and community formation fundamentally connected to Sufi-inflected critiques of tantric and yogic religiosity. With the advent of the Mughal Empire in the sixteenth century, new alliances--most notably Akbar's with the Kacchvaha royal clan of Amer--led to the development of a joint Mughal-Rajput court culture and religio-political idiom in which Vaishnava bhakti institutional forms became key symbols of power and deportment, and thus bhakti communities became beneficiaries of extensive patronage. Through a study of the life and works of the important but little-known bhakti poet-saint Agradas, this thesis offers insight into how these bhakti communities competed for patronage and followers. If the rise of bhakti was inseparable from Mughal socio-political developments, it was also contingent upon the successful formation of a new bhakti identity. This thesis centers on the Ramanandi community at Galta, comparing them with the Nath yogis to show the development of this bhakti identity, one defined especially in opposition to the "other" of the tantric yogi and shakta. It also contributes a broad study of early modern bhakti poetry and hagiography demonstrating the rise of new, Sufi-inflected, exclusivist bhakti attitudes that stigmatized key aspects of tantric and yogic religiosity, and that therein prefigured orientalist-colonialist depictions of bhakti as "religion" and Tantra as "magic."

Cette thèse porte sur l’itinéraire thérapeutique des personnes qui se pensent possédées par un esprit maléfique ou une divinité à travers les différentes thérapies disponibles à Kanke, ville du nord de l’Inde. Trois hôpitaux psychiatriques, construits à l’époque coloniale, s’y concentrent. Depuis quelques décennies un dargah, sanctuaire musulman, a été construit sur les terres-mêmes de l’un d’entre eux. Il est spécialisé dans le traitement des personnes possédées, tout comme les bhaktain, dévotes possédées par des divinités qui officient à leur domicile. Le travail de terrain a été réalisé dans deux hôpitaux psychiatriques, au dargah, et auprès de deux bhaktain. Dans les thérapies délivrées par les bhaktain et thérapeutes du dargah, l’émotion est suscitée chez le patient : il s’agit de provoquer l’esprit impur possédant le patient au moyen de substances divines. L’esprit maléfique se manifeste, et sera contraint de quitter ce corps. Si certains affirment avoir guéri, d’autres possédés consultent en psychiatrie. Les enjeux familiaux et socioéconomiques jouent un rôle de taille dans le choix du lieu de soins.L’interprétation des troubles est bien différente en psychiatrie où les professionnels utilisent des manuels de classification des troubles mentaux rédigés aux Etats-Unis pour diagnostiquer ces patients de milieu rural, pauvre, et parfois tribal. Ici, la possession est considérée comme un signe de maladie mentale. Les professionnels tentent de décourager l’interprétation des troubles en termes de possession au profit d’une conception neuroscientifique des problèmes et encouragent le patient à un contrôle émotionnel, usant parfois de références à l’hindouisme brahmanique.Les patients qui circulent entre ses lieux de soins sont pris dans ces logiques de soins antinomiques. La difficile articulation des différentes interprétations et pratiques thérapeutiques nous renseignent sur les enjeux politiques qui sous-tendent les rapports entre les différents thérapeutes. / This thesis is about the therapeutic journey of people who think they are possessed by a malefic spirit or a divinity. Various therapies are available for them in Kanke (north India). Here three psychiatric hospitals, built in the colonial period, provide mental health care. Few decades ago a dargah, a Muslim sanctuary, was built on one of them. It is specialized in the treatment of possessed people, like bhaktain, devotees possessed by divinities, which provide therapy at home. The fieldwork was realized between 2008 and 2014 in two psychiatric hospitals, in the dargah, and with two bhaktain.In the therapies delivered by bhaktain and therapists of the dargah, the patient’s emotion is stimulated : the impure spirit possessing the patient is provoked by means of divine substances. The malefic spirit manifests itself, and is forced to leave the body. While some possessed people assert being cured, others consult in psychiatry. The family and socioeconomic stakes play an important role in the choice of the place of care.The interpretation of the disorders is very different in psychiatry where the professionals use medical textbooks of classification of mental disorders published in the United States to diagnose these rural, poor, and sometimes tribal patients. Here, the possession is considered as a sign of mental illness. Only the private hospital tries another approach. The professionals try to discourage the interpretation of the disorders adopting a neuroscientific conception of the problems and encourage the patient to an emotional control, sometimes referring to Brahmanical Hindu texts. The patients who circulate between these places of care are caught in these paradoxical logics of care. The difficult articulation of the various interpretations and therapeutic practices the patient encounters informs us about the political stakes which influence relationships between therapists of various places of care.

ABSTRACT The local bhakti tradition prevalent and popular in the state of Mahārāṣṭra in India worships Rukmiṇī-Kṛṣṇa (Ru-K) as the divine couple. The divine couple Rādhā-Kṛṣṇa as the object of devotion of the greater Vaiṣṇava bhakti tradition has been the focus of several academic studies. Almost all scholarly publications and literature relating to the religious tradition of Kṛṣṇa tend to focus on Rādhā-Kṛṣṇa as the divine couple. In contrast, very little is published on Rukmiṇī-Kṛṣṇa as a divine couple. My doctoral research examines the almost 700-year old Rukmiṇī-Kṛṣṇa bhakti tradition that is still very much alive today and that continues to thrive in the state of Mahārāṣṭra in India. The research has focused on centrality of Goddess Rukmiṇī in the tradition and its doctrine as revealed from the Marāṭhī devotional literature written by its poet-sants. I also study the devotional practices and profile of contemporary Ru-K tradition followers to establish how their understanding of the doctrine influences and shapes their personal practices. In particular, I explore the hypothesis that the Rukmiṇī-Kṛṣṇa bhakti tradition is a distinctive, syncretistic, and living devotional tradition that integrates Vaiṣṇava and Śaiva elements in its Marathi poet-sant literature as well as in its religious practice amongst its followers. Thus, in both theory and practice, the tradition caters to the needs and dispositions of followers from various social classes. My research methodology mainly comprised textual analysis Marāṭhī devotional literature written by the four major poet-sants of the Ru-K bhakti tradition. The research also involved a small component of field trip to study the contemporary followers and practices of the tradition. Research revealed that the followers of Rukmiṇi-Kṛṣṇa bhakti tradition look upon Rukmiṇī as pure devotee of Kṛṣṇa. The analysis of the hagiographies and local legends reveal Rukmiṇī’s role as a mediator and facilitator of meetings of Kṛṣṇa with those who love him and are devoted to him. Acting as a mediator between Kṛṣṇa and his common devotees, she brought him out of his royal pastimes of Dvārakā to Paṇḍharapura, albeit on the pretext of getting upset with him. Following Kṛṣṇa’s appearance in Paṇḍharapura, it has become the centre and springboard of Rukmiṇī-Kṛṣṇa bhakti tradition. The Paṇḍharapura pastimes of Kṛṣṇa primarily involve personal loving exchanges between Kṛṣṇa (as Viṭṭhala) and his devotees from all walks of life. In these pastimes, Rukmiṇī plays the compassionate mediator between Kṛṣṇa and his devotees, facilitating their meetings and exchanges. Therefore, Rukmiṇī is also looked upon by devotees as a kind and considerate mother. Analysis of the sant literature of the tradition revealed the dichotomous doctrinal stance of Advaitic (non dualistic) nirguṇa bhakti towards an impersonal Supreme taken by Jñāneśvara and Ekanātha, and that of Vaiṣṇava (dualistic) saguṇa bhakti towards a personalised form of Supreme, taken by Nāmadeva and Tukārāma, co-existing under the umbrella of Rukmiṇī-Kṛṣṇa bhakti tradition. The reason for such a harmonious co-existence of mutually incompatible doctrines and flourishing of the tradition despite the incongruity is owing to the two common practices, singing the glories of Kṛṣṇa and worshipping of personal form of Kṛṣṇa, both of which are considered to be of significance by both doctrines, albeit for different reasons and to achieve dissimilar objectives. Both practices have been instrumental in bringing together the followers and devotees with contrasting and incompatible doctrinal leanings. The case study of the contemporary devotees revealed a dichotomy, in the form of two different classes of devotees found within the tradition, one consisting of the non-elite rank and file devotees from rural and semi-urban regions displaying saguṇa bhakti practices and understanding, and the other consisting of devotees from the elite class taking an Advaitic nirguṇa stance. These classes continue to be maintained because the preachers, although Advaitic in their personal stance, tend to preach saguṇa bhakti to the masses, considering them to be insufficiently qualified for the advanced stage of Advaita. Consequently, the dichotomy perpetuates itself and is apparently harmonized through this bivalence on the part of preachers and common devotees. The unique aspect involving the fusion of Śaivism and Vaiṣṇavism that one finds in the form of Hari-hara-aikya-bhava, sets the Rukmiṇī-Kṛṣṇa bhakti tradition distinctly apart from the greater Vaiṣṇava tradition, where such a fusion is not just absent, but rather clearly and consciously avoided.

ABSTRACT The local bhakti tradition prevalent and popular in the state of Mahārāṣṭra in India worships Rukmiṇī-Kṛṣṇa (Ru-K) as the divine couple. The divine couple Rādhā-Kṛṣṇa as the object of devotion of the greater Vaiṣṇava bhakti tradition has been the focus of several academic studies. Almost all scholarly publications and literature relating to the religious tradition of Kṛṣṇa tend to focus on Rādhā-Kṛṣṇa as the divine couple. In contrast, very little is published on Rukmiṇī-Kṛṣṇa as a divine couple. My doctoral research examines the almost 700-year old Rukmiṇī-Kṛṣṇa bhakti tradition that is still very much alive today and that continues to thrive in the state of Mahārāṣṭra in India. The research has focused on centrality of Goddess Rukmiṇī in the tradition and its doctrine as revealed from the Marāṭhī devotional literature written by its poet-sants. I also study the devotional practices and profile of contemporary Ru-K tradition followers to establish how their understanding of the doctrine influences and shapes their personal practices. In particular, I explore the hypothesis that the Rukmiṇī-Kṛṣṇa bhakti tradition is a distinctive, syncretistic, and living devotional tradition that integrates Vaiṣṇava and Śaiva elements in its Marathi poet-sant literature as well as in its religious practice amongst its followers. Thus, in both theory and practice, the tradition caters to the needs and dispositions of followers from various social classes. My research methodology mainly comprised textual analysis Marāṭhī devotional literature written by the four major poet-sants of the Ru-K bhakti tradition. The research also involved a small component of field trip to study the contemporary followers and practices of the tradition. Research revealed that the followers of Rukmiṇi-Kṛṣṇa bhakti tradition look upon Rukmiṇī as pure devotee of Kṛṣṇa. The analysis of the hagiographies and local legends reveal Rukmiṇī’s role as a mediator and facilitator of meetings of Kṛṣṇa with those who love him and are devoted to him. Acting as a mediator between Kṛṣṇa and his common devotees, she brought him out of his royal pastimes of Dvārakā to Paṇḍharapura, albeit on the pretext of getting upset with him. Following Kṛṣṇa’s appearance in Paṇḍharapura, it has become the centre and springboard of Rukmiṇī-Kṛṣṇa bhakti tradition. The Paṇḍharapura pastimes of Kṛṣṇa primarily involve personal loving exchanges between Kṛṣṇa (as Viṭṭhala) and his devotees from all walks of life. In these pastimes, Rukmiṇī plays the compassionate mediator between Kṛṣṇa and his devotees, facilitating their meetings and exchanges. Therefore, Rukmiṇī is also looked upon by devotees as a kind and considerate mother. Analysis of the sant literature of the tradition revealed the dichotomous doctrinal stance of Advaitic (non dualistic) nirguṇa bhakti towards an impersonal Supreme taken by Jñāneśvara and Ekanātha, and that of Vaiṣṇava (dualistic) saguṇa bhakti towards a personalised form of Supreme, taken by Nāmadeva and Tukārāma, co-existing under the umbrella of Rukmiṇī-Kṛṣṇa bhakti tradition. The reason for such a harmonious co-existence of mutually incompatible doctrines and flourishing of the tradition despite the incongruity is owing to the two common practices, singing the glories of Kṛṣṇa and worshipping of personal form of Kṛṣṇa, both of which are considered to be of significance by both doctrines, albeit for different reasons and to achieve dissimilar objectives. Both practices have been instrumental in bringing together the followers and devotees with contrasting and incompatible doctrinal leanings. The case study of the contemporary devotees revealed a dichotomy, in the form of two different classes of devotees found within the tradition, one consisting of the non-elite rank and file devotees from rural and semi-urban regions displaying saguṇa bhakti practices and understanding, and the other consisting of devotees from the elite class taking an Advaitic nirguṇa stance. These classes continue to be maintained because the preachers, although Advaitic in their personal stance, tend to preach saguṇa bhakti to the masses, considering them to be insufficiently qualified for the advanced stage of Advaita. Consequently, the dichotomy perpetuates itself and is apparently harmonized through this bivalence on the part of preachers and common devotees. The unique aspect involving the fusion of Śaivism and Vaiṣṇavism that one finds in the form of Hari-hara-aikya-bhava, sets the Rukmiṇī-Kṛṣṇa bhakti tradition distinctly apart from the greater Vaiṣṇava tradition, where such a fusion is not just absent, but rather clearly and consciously avoided.

ABSTRACT The local bhakti tradition prevalent and popular in the state of Mahārāṣṭra in India worships Rukmiṇī-Kṛṣṇa (Ru-K) as the divine couple. The divine couple Rādhā-Kṛṣṇa as the object of devotion of the greater Vaiṣṇava bhakti tradition has been the focus of several academic studies. Almost all scholarly publications and literature relating to the religious tradition of Kṛṣṇa tend to focus on Rādhā-Kṛṣṇa as the divine couple. In contrast, very little is published on Rukmiṇī-Kṛṣṇa as a divine couple. My doctoral research examines the almost 700-year old Rukmiṇī-Kṛṣṇa bhakti tradition that is still very much alive today and that continues to thrive in the state of Mahārāṣṭra in India. The research has focused on centrality of Goddess Rukmiṇī in the tradition and its doctrine as revealed from the Marāṭhī devotional literature written by its poet-sants. I also study the devotional practices and profile of contemporary Ru-K tradition followers to establish how their understanding of the doctrine influences and shapes their personal practices. In particular, I explore the hypothesis that the Rukmiṇī-Kṛṣṇa bhakti tradition is a distinctive, syncretistic, and living devotional tradition that integrates Vaiṣṇava and Śaiva elements in its Marathi poet-sant literature as well as in its religious practice amongst its followers. Thus, in both theory and practice, the tradition caters to the needs and dispositions of followers from various social classes. My research methodology mainly comprised textual analysis Marāṭhī devotional literature written by the four major poet-sants of the Ru-K bhakti tradition. The research also involved a small component of field trip to study the contemporary followers and practices of the tradition. Research revealed that the followers of Rukmiṇi-Kṛṣṇa bhakti tradition look upon Rukmiṇī as pure devotee of Kṛṣṇa. The analysis of the hagiographies and local legends reveal Rukmiṇī’s role as a mediator and facilitator of meetings of Kṛṣṇa with those who love him and are devoted to him. Acting as a mediator between Kṛṣṇa and his common devotees, she brought him out of his royal pastimes of Dvārakā to Paṇḍharapura, albeit on the pretext of getting upset with him. Following Kṛṣṇa’s appearance in Paṇḍharapura, it has become the centre and springboard of Rukmiṇī-Kṛṣṇa bhakti tradition. The Paṇḍharapura pastimes of Kṛṣṇa primarily involve personal loving exchanges between Kṛṣṇa (as Viṭṭhala) and his devotees from all walks of life. In these pastimes, Rukmiṇī plays the compassionate mediator between Kṛṣṇa and his devotees, facilitating their meetings and exchanges. Therefore, Rukmiṇī is also looked upon by devotees as a kind and considerate mother. Analysis of the sant literature of the tradition revealed the dichotomous doctrinal stance of Advaitic (non dualistic) nirguṇa bhakti towards an impersonal Supreme taken by Jñāneśvara and Ekanātha, and that of Vaiṣṇava (dualistic) saguṇa bhakti towards a personalised form of Supreme, taken by Nāmadeva and Tukārāma, co-existing under the umbrella of Rukmiṇī-Kṛṣṇa bhakti tradition. The reason for such a harmonious co-existence of mutually incompatible doctrines and flourishing of the tradition despite the incongruity is owing to the two common practices, singing the glories of Kṛṣṇa and worshipping of personal form of Kṛṣṇa, both of which are considered to be of significance by both doctrines, albeit for different reasons and to achieve dissimilar objectives. Both practices have been instrumental in bringing together the followers and devotees with contrasting and incompatible doctrinal leanings. The case study of the contemporary devotees revealed a dichotomy, in the form of two different classes of devotees found within the tradition, one consisting of the non-elite rank and file devotees from rural and semi-urban regions displaying saguṇa bhakti practices and understanding, and the other consisting of devotees from the elite class taking an Advaitic nirguṇa stance. These classes continue to be maintained because the preachers, although Advaitic in their personal stance, tend to preach saguṇa bhakti to the masses, considering them to be insufficiently qualified for the advanced stage of Advaita. Consequently, the dichotomy perpetuates itself and is apparently harmonized through this bivalence on the part of preachers and common devotees. The unique aspect involving the fusion of Śaivism and Vaiṣṇavism that one finds in the form of Hari-hara-aikya-bhava, sets the Rukmiṇī-Kṛṣṇa bhakti tradition distinctly apart from the greater Vaiṣṇava tradition, where such a fusion is not just absent, but rather clearly and consciously avoided.

ABSTRACT The local bhakti tradition prevalent and popular in the state of Mahārāṣṭra in India worships Rukmiṇī-Kṛṣṇa (Ru-K) as the divine couple. The divine couple Rādhā-Kṛṣṇa as the object of devotion of the greater Vaiṣṇava bhakti tradition has been the focus of several academic studies. Almost all scholarly publications and literature relating to the religious tradition of Kṛṣṇa tend to focus on Rādhā-Kṛṣṇa as the divine couple. In contrast, very little is published on Rukmiṇī-Kṛṣṇa as a divine couple. My doctoral research examines the almost 700-year old Rukmiṇī-Kṛṣṇa bhakti tradition that is still very much alive today and that continues to thrive in the state of Mahārāṣṭra in India. The research has focused on centrality of Goddess Rukmiṇī in the tradition and its doctrine as revealed from the Marāṭhī devotional literature written by its poet-sants. I also study the devotional practices and profile of contemporary Ru-K tradition followers to establish how their understanding of the doctrine influences and shapes their personal practices. In particular, I explore the hypothesis that the Rukmiṇī-Kṛṣṇa bhakti tradition is a distinctive, syncretistic, and living devotional tradition that integrates Vaiṣṇava and Śaiva elements in its Marathi poet-sant literature as well as in its religious practice amongst its followers. Thus, in both theory and practice, the tradition caters to the needs and dispositions of followers from various social classes. My research methodology mainly comprised textual analysis Marāṭhī devotional literature written by the four major poet-sants of the Ru-K bhakti tradition. The research also involved a small component of field trip to study the contemporary followers and practices of the tradition. Research revealed that the followers of Rukmiṇi-Kṛṣṇa bhakti tradition look upon Rukmiṇī as pure devotee of Kṛṣṇa. The analysis of the hagiographies and local legends reveal Rukmiṇī’s role as a mediator and facilitator of meetings of Kṛṣṇa with those who love him and are devoted to him. Acting as a mediator between Kṛṣṇa and his common devotees, she brought him out of his royal pastimes of Dvārakā to Paṇḍharapura, albeit on the pretext of getting upset with him. Following Kṛṣṇa’s appearance in Paṇḍharapura, it has become the centre and springboard of Rukmiṇī-Kṛṣṇa bhakti tradition. The Paṇḍharapura pastimes of Kṛṣṇa primarily involve personal loving exchanges between Kṛṣṇa (as Viṭṭhala) and his devotees from all walks of life. In these pastimes, Rukmiṇī plays the compassionate mediator between Kṛṣṇa and his devotees, facilitating their meetings and exchanges. Therefore, Rukmiṇī is also looked upon by devotees as a kind and considerate mother. Analysis of the sant literature of the tradition revealed the dichotomous doctrinal stance of Advaitic (non dualistic) nirguṇa bhakti towards an impersonal Supreme taken by Jñāneśvara and Ekanātha, and that of Vaiṣṇava (dualistic) saguṇa bhakti towards a personalised form of Supreme, taken by Nāmadeva and Tukārāma, co-existing under the umbrella of Rukmiṇī-Kṛṣṇa bhakti tradition. The reason for such a harmonious co-existence of mutually incompatible doctrines and flourishing of the tradition despite the incongruity is owing to the two common practices, singing the glories of Kṛṣṇa and worshipping of personal form of Kṛṣṇa, both of which are considered to be of significance by both doctrines, albeit for different reasons and to achieve dissimilar objectives. Both practices have been instrumental in bringing together the followers and devotees with contrasting and incompatible doctrinal leanings. The case study of the contemporary devotees revealed a dichotomy, in the form of two different classes of devotees found within the tradition, one consisting of the non-elite rank and file devotees from rural and semi-urban regions displaying saguṇa bhakti practices and understanding, and the other consisting of devotees from the elite class taking an Advaitic nirguṇa stance. These classes continue to be maintained because the preachers, although Advaitic in their personal stance, tend to preach saguṇa bhakti to the masses, considering them to be insufficiently qualified for the advanced stage of Advaita. Consequently, the dichotomy perpetuates itself and is apparently harmonized through this bivalence on the part of preachers and common devotees. The unique aspect involving the fusion of Śaivism and Vaiṣṇavism that one finds in the form of Hari-hara-aikya-bhava, sets the Rukmiṇī-Kṛṣṇa bhakti tradition distinctly apart from the greater Vaiṣṇava tradition, where such a fusion is not just absent, but rather clearly and consciously avoided.