M.A. (Politics) / Please refer to full text to view abstract

On cover: Degree of Master of Philosophy in Political Management. / Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2004. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Before a country can have democracy a consolidated democracy, democracy is a prerequisite. The term democracy can be traced back to ancient Greece and the studies of the consolidation of democracy dates since the transition of the seventies. The notion of democratic consolidation has been defined by authors as a process of making new democracies secure, deepening institutions and liberties and making them immune against the threat of authoritarian regression. But authors have also found that there are socioeconomic conditions favourable to consolidation such as sufficient affluence. This study compares Botswana and South Africa's democracy, the reason being to find out which is the most consolidated and why? To compare these two countries' democracies, the study focuses on the following; affluence, institutions suitable for democracy, free and fair elections and electoral systems. There are similarities and differences between these countries. They share British parliamentary traditions. Both practice multiparty elections but neither experienced turnovers, for example; Botswana started practicing from 1965 until now, while South Africa started in 1994. The major institutional difference is the electoral system. Their ratings in the human development indexes are declining, but South Africa scores better. The other major difference is in their Freedom House ratings, where South Africa's rating is better than Botswana's. The issue of HIV/AIDS infections remains a big problem for these countries. To what extent this would impact on democracy is uncertain as little research of this kind has been done. In concluding this study, it is explicitly stated that these countries are free electoral democracies but not consolidated yet, because they have not passed Huntington's "two turnover test", and their socio-economic conditions are also problematic. At this stage, however South Africa is slightly better off for the reasons cited above. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Demokrasie is "n voorvereiste vir "n gekonsolideerde demokrasie. Hoewel die term demokrasie sy oorsprong het by die antieke Grieke dateer studies oor die konsolidasie van demokrasieë slegs terug na die sewentigerjare van die 20ste eeu. Demokratiese konsolidasie verwys na die proses waarvolgens nuwe demokrasieë na hul aanvanklike vestiging teen die gevaar van outoritêre verval beveilig word deur die daarstelling van demokratiese instellings en vryhede. Navorsing het bevind dat sekere sosio-ekonomiese faktore of omstandighede soos byvoorbeeld voldoende ekonomiese voorspoed die konsolidasie van jong demokrasieë bevorder. Die studie behels "n vergelyking van die demokrasieë van Suid-Afrika en Botswana ten opsigte van hulle graad van demokratiese konsolidasie en die redes daarvoor. Die studie fokus in die verband op aspekte soos: ekonomiese voorspoed, die demokratiese aard van hulle instellings, vrye en regverdige verkiesings en hulle kiesstelsels. Daar is beide ooreenkomste en verskille tussen die twee state. Beide is gesetel in die Britse parlementêre stelsel. Beide gebruik sedert hulle vestiging as demokrasieë veelparty vekiesings - Botswana sedert 1965 en Suid-Afrika sedert 1994. Die belangrikste institusionele verskil is in hulle kiesstelsels geleë. Hoewel die lande se klassifikasies beide in die indekse sowel as die verslae oor menslike ontwikkeling daal, vaar Suid-Afrika steeds beter as Botswana. Die duidelikste verskil is ten opsigte van hulle Freedom House klassifikasie. Die kwessie van MIVjVIGS-infeksies bly steeds "n belangrike probleem vir beide state. Vanweë die gebrek aan navorsing in die verband is dit onseker in watter mate die VIGS-kwessie demokrasie in die lande in die toekoms gaan beinvloed. Die gevolgtrekking van die tesis is dat hoewel beide state vrye demokrasieë is hulle nog nie as gekonsolideerde demokrasieë geklassifiseer kan word nie. Die gevolgtrekking is hoofsaaklik gebaseer op hulle problematiese sosioekonomiese omstandighede en die feit dat hulle nog nie Huntington se /I two turnover test" geslaag het nie. Suid-Afrika is egter op grond van die redes wat hierbo aangevoer is, tans beter as Botswana daaraan toe.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The aim of this research was to explore the interaction between governance and development in post-colonial Africa. The departure point of the thesis was the understanding that the state remains a pre-eminent actor in the international system. Keeping this assumption in mind, the study made use of a comparative analysis; comparing governance and development in Botswana with governance and development in Zaire/the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), focusing on the post-colonial era. The importance of this research lies in its contribution to the debate on the role of the state in post-colonial Africa. It explores the influence of institution formation and policy implementation by governments (in other words, governance) on development. Understanding the effect of governance on development can have invaluable lessons for other African states in their efforts to develop further. The research question, which guided the thesis thus, was: in the era of the pre-eminence of the state, making use of a comparison between Botswana and Zaire/DRC, what is the influence and effect, of state institution formation and policy implementation (governance) by governments, on state development in terms of economical-, political- and social development? The two main variables were governance and development. Development was sub-divided into three indicators: political, economic and social development. Governance was evaluated in terms of being seen as poor or good governance, as per the World Bank’s definition and understanding of governance. Zaire/DRC, as an example of a failed state, was analysed first, followed by Botswana, selected for its arguably “best practice” experience. For each country the analysis was subdivided into three phases as per the theoretical framework of Chazan, Lewis, Mortimer, Rothchild, and Stedman’s book, Politics and Society in Contemporary Africa (1999). Their book describes three stages of change in African state development in the post-colonial era (Chazan-framework). This framework uses the Chazan-framework and thus subdivides the post-colonial era into: the concentration (centralisation) phase, the elaboration phase, and finally the reconsideration of state power phase. The research found that Zaire/DRC followed a process of state collapse in the post-colonial era, whereas in sharp contrast Botswana experienced positive state development. Since independence Zaire continuously practised poor governance whilst Botswana largely practiced good governance. This was true in all three phases of the Chazan-framework. At the same time, or perhaps due to poor governance, Zaire continuously experienced negative development in all three development categories whilst Botswana continuously experienced positive development in all three development categories, again perhaps due to good governance. The research concludes that even though Botswana is not necessarily an example of a perfect state, it is special in an African context, because of its good governance record. This study does not draw direct relationships between good governance and development, but finds that Botswana probably benefited greatly in development due to the implementation of good institutions, good government policies and general good governance. The research also found that states benefit when their governments practice and adopt policies that are anti-corruption, pro-democracy, pro-competition, pro public-private partnerships, and pro market-orientated economics. In addition, the following are also conducive to good governance: leadership with integrity, peaceful and regular leadership changes, clear distinction between government (party) and the state, and empowered government oversight institutions that act, even against the government itself when needed. The practice of good governance is thus shown to be supportive of long-term development. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doel van hierdie navorsing was om die interaksie tussen regering en ontwikkeling in post-koloniale Afrika te ondersoek. Die tesis gaan uit vanuit die oogpunt dat die staat steeds ‘n dominante akteur in die internasionale stelsel is. Die studie het gebruik gemaak van ‘n vergelykende ontleding. Regeringstyl en ontwikkeling in post-koloniale Afrika is met mekaar vergelyk. Die vergelyking is getrek tussen Botswana en Zaïre/Demokratiese Republiek van die Kongo (DRK). Die belangrikheid van die navorsing lê in die bydrae tot die debat oor die rol van die staat in Afrika in die post-koloniale era. Dit bekyk die belangrikheid van instellingskepping en beleids-implementering (met ander woorde, regeerstyl of regering) deur regerings in terme van invloed op die ontwikkeling van state in Afrika. Beter begrip van hierdie verhouding kan waardevolle lesse bevat vir ander Afrikastate in hul pogings om verder te ontwikkel. Die navorsingsvraag wat die tesis gelei het was dus: in die era van die voorrang van die staat, en deur gebruikmaking van ‘n vergelykende studie tussen Botswana en Zaïre/DRK, wat is die invloed en effek van staatsinstelling-vorming en van beleids-implementering (regering) deur regerings, op staatsontwikkeling in terme van ekonomiese-, politieke- en sosiale ontwikkeling? In hierdie studie was regering en ontwikkeling die twee belangrikste veranderlikes gewees. Ontwikkeling is onderverdeel in drie aanwysers: politieke, ekonomiese en maatskaplike ontwikkeling. Regering is geëvalueer in terme van wat gesien word as swak of goeie regering, volgens die Wêreldbank se definisie en begrip van goeie regering. Zaïre/DRK is eerste as ‘n voorbeeld van 'n mislukte staat ontleed, gevolg deur Botswana, gekies vir sy veronderstelde "beste praktyk"-ervaring. Die analise vir elk van hierdie lande is onderverdeel in drie fases, soos gebaseer op die teoretiese raamwerk van Chazan, Lewis, Mortimer, Rothchild, en Stedman in, Politics and Society in Contemporary Africa (1999) (die Chazan-raamwerk). Hierdie raamwerk onderverdeel die post-koloniale era in: die konsentrasiefase (sentraliseringsfase), die uitbreidingsfase en uiteindelik die fase van die heroorweging van staatsmag. Die navorsing bevind dat Zaïre 'n proses van ineenstorting van die staat in die post-koloniale era ervaar het, terwyl Botswana in skrille kontras positiewe staatsontwikkeling ervaar het. Hierdie tendens was aanwesig in al drie fases van die Chazan-raamwerk. Sedert onafhanklikheid het Botswana ook goeie regering toegepas terwyl Zaïre/DRK meestal swak regering toegepas het. Terselfdertyd, dalk ook weens swak regering, het Zaïre/DRK voortdurend negatiewe ontwikkeling ervaar in al drie van die ontwikkelings kategorieë, terwyl Botswana voortdurend, moontlik te danke goeie regering, positiewe ontwikkeling in al drie die ontwikkelingskategorieë ervaar het. Die navorsing kom tot die gevolgtrekking dat, selfs al is Botswana nie noodwendig ‘n voorbeeld van 'n perfekte staat nie, dit steeds weens ‘n goeie regeringstradisie, uniek is in Afrika-konteks. Alhoewel hierdie studie nie 'n direkte verhouding tussen goeie regering en ontwikkeling probeer bevestig het nie, bevind dit wel dat Botswana moontlik in terme van ontwikkeling, weens die implementering van goeie instellings, goeie regeringsbeleid en algemene goeie regering, baie voordeel getrek het. Die navorsing bevind ook dat state voordeel trek wanneer hul regerings beleid aanvaar en toepas wat teen korrupsie is, maar wat demokratiese ideale, markkompetisie, openbare-private vennootskappe en markgeoriënteerde ekonomiese aktiwiteite bevorder. Goeie regering word ook bevorder deur leierskap met integriteit, vreedsame en gereelde verandering van leierskap, duidelike onderskeid tussen die regering (party) en die staat, sowel as nie-regeringsinstellings met die mag om as oorsigliggame oor die regering te funksioneer. Die praktyk van goeie regering blyk dus langtermyn staatsontwikkeling te bevoordeel en te ondersteun.

The purpose of this thesis is to describe and explain the origins of centra 1 i sed unitary con st itut i ona l forms adopted at independence, with speci a 1 reference to the pre-independence period of colonial rule and the states of Botswana, Zimbabwe and Namibia. Since the states of the world are either unitary or federal, an attempt is made to distinguish the unitary constitutional form from federation by contrasting both concepts. The three states under study are identified as centralised and unitary by referring to political, historical, legal, administrative and fiscal criteria. The theoretical and practical origins and explanations for the adoption of unitary constitutional forms in the European and African context are explained. First, the theoretical origins of monism, pluralism, dualism, absolutism and sovereignty and the thoughts of a number of classical theorists are discussed. Next the practical origins, the statements and perceptions by members of African nationalist elites supportive of unitary states in Africa in the colonial and early post-colonial period are referred to, in partial exp 1 anat ion for the adoption of this con st itut i ona 1 form. British constitutional practices and precedents are also discussed. Further, to explain the origins of the centralised unitary state in Africa, the three case studies of Botswana, Zimbabwe and Namibia come under discussion. A four stage conceptual scheme devised by Etzioni and modified for the purpose of this thesis is utilised to analyse and explain the origins of the centralised unitary state in the three case studies of Botswana, Zimbabwe (xii) and Namibia. A variety of factors both historical and contemporary, internal and external to these countries are identified and analysed. These factors include amongst others, early settlement patterns and confiicts, British colonial practices and precedents, the perceptions and ambitions of nationalist movements and elites, relationships with neighbouring states, the climate of opinion, and the requirements of nation-building and political stability. The thesis is concluded by comparing the experiences of the three countries and, setting out several inductive propositions determining under which conditions these states adopted centralised unitary constitutional forms in preference to decentralised ones, federation or partition. Finally, the thesis is concluded by referring in a Postscript to the postindependence constitutional reassessment in the three countries concerned, the constitutional reassessment process in Africa in general, literature references to this process, and the prospects for constitutional reform on the continent. / Political Science / D. Lit. et Phil. (Politics)

The purpose of this thesis is to describe and explain the origins of centra 1 i sed unitary con st itut i ona l forms adopted at independence, with speci a 1 reference to the pre-independence period of colonial rule and the states of Botswana, Zimbabwe and Namibia. Since the states of the world are either unitary or federal, an attempt is made to distinguish the unitary constitutional form from federation by contrasting both concepts. The three states under study are identified as centralised and unitary by referring to political, historical, legal, administrative and fiscal criteria. The theoretical and practical origins and explanations for the adoption of unitary constitutional forms in the European and African context are explained. First, the theoretical origins of monism, pluralism, dualism, absolutism and sovereignty and the thoughts of a number of classical theorists are discussed. Next the practical origins, the statements and perceptions by members of African nationalist elites supportive of unitary states in Africa in the colonial and early post-colonial period are referred to, in partial exp 1 anat ion for the adoption of this con st itut i ona 1 form. British constitutional practices and precedents are also discussed. Further, to explain the origins of the centralised unitary state in Africa, the three case studies of Botswana, Zimbabwe and Namibia come under discussion. A four stage conceptual scheme devised by Etzioni and modified for the purpose of this thesis is utilised to analyse and explain the origins of the centralised unitary state in the three case studies of Botswana, Zimbabwe (xii) and Namibia. A variety of factors both historical and contemporary, internal and external to these countries are identified and analysed. These factors include amongst others, early settlement patterns and confiicts, British colonial practices and precedents, the perceptions and ambitions of nationalist movements and elites, relationships with neighbouring states, the climate of opinion, and the requirements of nation-building and political stability. The thesis is concluded by comparing the experiences of the three countries and, setting out several inductive propositions determining under which conditions these states adopted centralised unitary constitutional forms in preference to decentralised ones, federation or partition. Finally, the thesis is concluded by referring in a Postscript to the postindependence constitutional reassessment in the three countries concerned, the constitutional reassessment process in Africa in general, literature references to this process, and the prospects for constitutional reform on the continent. / Political Science / D. Lit. et Phil. (Politics)

Thesis (MA )--Stellenbosch University, 2011. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The purpose of this thesis is to assess the impact of HIV and AIDS on democratic consolidation in two democracies in Southern Africa: Botswana and South Africa. Mattes (2003), Barnett and Whiteside (2006) and others warned that in states with high HIV infection levels, the negative impact of the pandemic - especially in terms of socio-economic conditions, budgetary pressures and a loss of human capital in the state and the economy - was potentially so great that it may affect democracy detrimentally. In contrast, some scholars, particularly Anthony Butler (2005a) and Alex de Waal (2006), contended that although the pandemic had negative effects, democracies might survive it and that in some specific ways, democratic consolidation might even benefit from the its consequences. For instance, they argued that in South Africa, the civil society response to the government’s controversial HIV and AIDS policy deepened the institutional framework of democracy. The methodology for the above comparative analysis is based on the application of a minimalist multivariate model which, following the thinking of Bratton and Van de Walle (1997) consists of both institutional and socio-economic factors. Factors are selected for their relevance to democratic consolidation, as argued by scholars such as Linz and Stepan (1996), Przeworski, Alvarez, Cheibub and Limongi (1996), Bratton and Van de Walle (1997) and Leftwich (2000). The chosen factors are the system of government (the relationship between the branches of government); the electoral system; political rights and civil liberties; economic indicators (affluence, economic growth and the reduction of inequality); human development (as measured by the United Nations Development Program) and civil society. This is a descriptive, qualitative, desktop study, using secondary literature in books, as well as articles. There is no empirical component, such as fieldwork, surveys or questionnaires. As stated below, such methodology may be used for further elaboration and refining of the findings of this desktop-based comparative analysis. The main finding is that currently, despite the cost and human implications of the disease, there are no indications that it is directly threatening to destroy the democracies of Botswana or South Africa. This finding differs from the more negative expectations of the scholars mentioned above. It is suggested that the increasing provision and effectiveness of antiretroviral treatment (ART) enables these democracies and their economies to avoid some of the ravages of the disease that seemed inevitable a few years ago. Furthermore, it is suggested that the comparative affluence of the two states in question shields them from some negative effects of HIV and AIDS and that this may be different in poorer Southern African states. This is an issue for further research. Such research should go beyond desktop research to include fieldwork and questionnaires. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doel van hierdie tesis is om die impak van MIV en VIGS op demokratiese konsolidering in twee Suider-Afrikaanse demokrasieë, Botswana en Suid-Afrika, vas te stel. Mattes (2003), Barnett en Whiteside (2006) en ander het gewaarsku dat die negatiewe uitwerking van die pandemie - veral in terme van sosio-ekonomiese toestande, begrotingsdruk en ’n verlies aan menslike hulpbronne in die staat en ekonomie - potensieel so groot is dat dit demokrasie nadelig sou beïnvloed. In teenstelling hiermee het ander akademici, soos Anthony Butler (2005a) en Alex de Waal (2006), geredeneer dat demokrasieë die pandemie mag oorleef ten spyte van die negatiewe effekte wat dit wel het en dat demokrasieë selfs op sekere wyses by die gevolge daarvan mag baatvind. Byvoorbeeld, het hulle geargumenteer, in Suid-Afrika het die burgerlike samelewing se reaksie op die Mbeki-regering se kontroversiële MIV en VIGSbeleid die institusionele raamwerk van demokrasie verdiep. Die metodologie vir hierdie vergelykende analise is gebaseer op die toepassing van ’n minimalistiese multiveranderlike model. Soos gepostuleer deur Bratton en Van de Walle (1997), wat beide institusionele en sosio-ekonomiese faktore insluit. Faktore is gekies op grond van hulle relevansie tot demokratiese konsolidering (volgens vakkundiges soos Linz en Stepan (1996), Przeworski, Alvarez, Cheibub en Limongi (1996), Bratton en Van de Walle (1997) en Leftwich (2000), asook vir dié se moontlike relevansie tot demokrasieë wat spesifiek deur MIV en VIGS geaffekteer word. Die gekose faktore is die regeringstelsel (die verhouding tussen die uitvoerende, wetgewende en regsprekende gesag), die verkiesingstelsel, politieke regte en burgerlike vryhede, ekonomiese aanwysers (welvaart; ekonomiese groei en die vermindering van ongelykheid), menslike ontwikkeling (soos gemeet deur die Verenigde Nasies se Ontwikkelingsprogram) en die burgerlike samelewing. Hierdie tesis is ’n literatuurstudie van ’n beskrywende, kwalitatiewe aard. Daar is gebruik gemaak van sekondêre literatuur in boeke, asook van artikels. Daar is geen empiriese komponent soos veldwerk en meningspeilings nie. Soos hieronder beklemtoon word, kan empiriese metodes in toekomstige studies gebruik word om op die bevindinge wat hierdie navorsing opgelewer het, uit te brei en dit te verfyn. Die hoofbevinding is dat daar tans, ten spyte van die finansiële en menslike koste van MIV en VIGS, geen aanduiding is dat die siekte ‘n direkte bedreiging inhou vir die voortbestaan van demokrasie in Botswana en Suid-Afrika nie. Hierdie bevinding verskil van die meer negatiewe verwagtinge hierbo uitgespreek. Dit word voorgestel dat die toenemende voorsiening en effektiwiteit van antiretrovirale behandeling hierdie demokrasieë en hulle ekonomieë daartoe in staat stel om gedeeltelik die verwoesting van hierdie pandemie te vermy, iets wat enkele jare gelede nog as onvermydelik beskou is. Verder word die voorstel gemaak dat die impak van die pandemie op armer Suider-Afrikaanse state vergelyk behoort te word met die bevindinge wat hier aangebied word. Sulke toekomstige navorsing behoort nie net literatuurstudie in te sluit nie, maar ook veldwerk en meningsopnames.