The previous scholarship on British Columbia politics has mentioned but not adequately explained that province's populist culture. My paper responds to this deficiency by exploring the history of British Columbia populism. It examines the northwest (where populist culture was especially strong) as a case study of provincial politics and employs a political discourse analysis that compares language in the inter-war years with that of the post-war years. It also correlates voting and occupational statistics in polling districts in an effort to position language within a socio-economic context. The findings of this study emphasize the neighbouring northwest constituencies of Skeena and Omineca as representative of the dynamic nature of British Columbia political culture in the 1950s: in Skeena, a culture of class polarization dominated politics and led to an initial CCF provincial victory while Omineca had a culture of protest politics that supported Social Credit provincially and the CCF federally. These two differing kinds of politics (i.e. class versus populist politics) came from the same prodevelopment ethos that, while always dominating British Columbia culture, was especially significant in the post-war period. In Skeena, post-war corporate development attracted numerous unionized workers to the region and contributed to the CCF's class politics. The populism of Omineca was also a function of post-war development. It was not (like other populist traditions) connected to localistic or co-operative inclinations but in fact, was almost 1 exclusively anti-elitist. This populism integrated the anti-elite labeling of "the People" with a language that promoted the elite-controlled development of the 1950s, for the integration alleviated anxieties over that elite-control without actually threatening the existing pattern of development. The northwest's populist language was a function of a "non-populist" culture. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

In 1957, The University of British Columbia launched Canada's first degree-granting program in adult education. It subsequently grew to be one of the largest departments in the Faculty of Education, and recognized internationally for its work. As it grew, however, the program lost its initial administrative privilege. This study asks why UBC had the honour of this Canadian "first," and how the program flowed and ebbed. It shows the relations between the department's administrative and intellectual activities, and how the program fit British Columbia's social development more generally. The study concludes that the successes were largely opportunistic, as the program profited from the changing face of higher education more generally and privileges secured under an early administrative regime. The program's failure was that it did not create a stable identity independent of these opportunities: it failed to gain recognition from academic outsiders as the home of distinct adult education research and knowledge, and it failed to become the gatekeeper of a controlled profession. / Education, Faculty of / Educational Studies (EDST), Department of / Graduate

The continued production of undifferentiated products in the B.C. forest industry has fascinated and divided provincial historians. The causes of this orientation of production are varied and complex. The provincial government and British Columbia's forest companies have each played a role in determining the orientation of production. The undifferentiated end products of these firms were the consequence of conscious government and business decisions made in British Columbia in the post-war period (1945 - 1979). B.C. forest resources were (and remain) owned and administrated by the government. Private access to these assets was (and is) determined by provincial statute. The government was instrumental in orienting the undifferentiated production undertaken by MacMillan Bloedel and B.C.F.P. in two fashions: by systematically subtracting value from the resource in order to attract capital to the industry; and, by adopting a variety of other policy initiatives that promoted the establishment of large-scale enterprises. Professor Michael E. Porter, in his book, The Competitive Advantage of Nations, argues that a firm's end products are the result of its competitive advantages and disadvantages. The two firms examined in this essay possessed two competitive advantages that promoted undifferentiated production: a high degree of productive integration from supply through to marketing: and large-scale production. Competitive disadvantages can allow a firm's products to become less advanced over time, or can preclude the advance to more differentiated production. Four competitive disadvantages prevented the development of differentiated products by Macmillan Bloedel and B.C.F.P. First, a super abundance of timber perpetuated undifferentiated production. With the continued supply of excellent quality timber protected by the government, competitive supply pressures were eliminated, and the resource was not evaluated or utilized to its maximum potential. Second, the integration of downstream supply networks by M.B. and B.C.F.P. impoverished lower levels of the industry. While this provided cost advantages to the producers, it limited the number of suppliers. Third, managerial incompetence at MacMillan Bloedel , and a narrowness of focus at B.C.F.P., limited the productive opportunities of these two firms. Finally, the collaboration of the two firms in marketing their undifferentiated products also diminished competitive pressures needed to promote differentiated production. Thus, contrary to some previous analytic approaches, the production orientation of these two firms can be explained with an historical analysis of their competitive advantages and disadvantages in the post-war period.

Professional archaeologists firmly control the prehistory of British Columbia (more commonly referred to today as "pre-contact" history). This has been the case since Dr. Charles E. Borden, a German professor at the University of British Columbia, professionalized the archaeological discipline between 1945 and 1960. The purpose of this paper is to critically examine and explain the process by which this monopolization occurred, and to suggest the massive ramifications that have followed. Relevant approaches to the history of archaeology are reviewed, and a "contextual" strategy is adopted as the best way to unravel, but preserve, the richness of the local history of archaeology in B.C. A mixture of narrative and analytical style is employed in explaining the rise Borden and professional archaeology in the 1950s. It is argued that Borden produced knowledge by drawing on an existing network of North American archaeology to create, and substantiate, his authoritative position. In the context of archaeological site destruction, during the 1950s, Borden was able to pull unrelated members of the B.C. populous to his cause, including provincial officials, through the passing of the "Archaeological and Historic Sites Protection Act," in 1960. Amateur archaeologists and Aboriginal people lacked the means to amass the powerful alliances that Borden did, and therefore amateurs and Natives were unable to offer a persuasive alternative to Borden's authority. It is concluded that because of the professional encapsulation of B.C. archaeology, we, as non-specialists, have to put our faith in archaeologists, and assume that the knowledge they produce is truthful and valid It is suggested that professional archaeologists have joined other human scientists in a rapidly spiralling scientification of humanity. This is significant because specialists inform the State about who we are as citizens, and impose identities on us which partly dicate how the State regulates our access to resources. The example of Natives in B.C., who have recently appropriated professional archaeology to their own cause of settling land-claim disputes, is offered to show how alienated components of our identities can be returned to us through political action.

Over the last twenty-five years, women's historians have striven with the problem of how to uncover women's lives in the past. The early concern with merely "retrieving" women's life stories has recently been augmented by a more theoretically- informed approach which takes into consideration issues of experience, voice, and representation, and which challenges the notion of absolute objectivity. This study was designed as a contribution to the latter type of historical research informed by the sociological debates on these issues, and was influenced by feminist materialist approaches that insist on accounting for both the content of experiences and the various discursive positions occupied by subjects. Specifically, it examines the bases of identity construction in the lives of two women teachers (Susan Abercrombie Holmes and Susan Suckley Flood) in nineteenth-century British Columbia, a context in which relatively little work on the history of women has been done. Identity is not perceived as given or static, but rather as constructed, changing, and sometimes contradictory. Even those markers of identity commonly called upon to describe a person- such as gender, race, class, religion, and nationality-are seen as problematic, and their ambiguities are discussed in relation to the life stories of the two women. Subsequently, the effects of these "markers" are further adumbrated through an examination of some of the less obvious ways in which the women's identities were constructed. These are all seen as interrelated, and include the influences of their families of origin on the women's earlier lives, especially regarding their education and marriage decisions, their functions as economic agents, their social relationships, and their self-images or self-representations. To the extent that these were fashioned by their gender identity, many similarities can be seen in their lives, but their experiences also diverged (widely or narrowly) as a result of their differences in other aspects, notably racial identity. These differences had a profound effect on the type and degree of material and ideological constraints placed upon them, and thus on the degree to which they were able to shape the construction of their own identities.

I look at the strategies of evangelization used by a Roman Catholic missionary congregation, the Oblates of Mary Immaculate, in nineteenth-century British Columbia. These strategies of evangelization involved multiple geographies, including a circulation of representations between North America and Europe; the various spatialities of evangelization itself; complex deployments of disciplinary and pastoral power; and cultural geographies of order.

The continued production of undifferentiated products in the B.C. forest industry has fascinated and divided provincial historians. The causes of this orientation of production are varied and complex. The provincial government and British Columbia's forest companies have each played a role in determining the orientation of production. The undifferentiated end products of these firms were the consequence of conscious government and business decisions made in British Columbia in the post-war period (1945 - 1979). B.C. forest resources were (and remain) owned and administrated by the government. Private access to these assets was (and is) determined by provincial statute. The government was instrumental in orienting the undifferentiated production undertaken by MacMillan Bloedel and B.C.F.P. in two fashions: by systematically subtracting value from the resource in order to attract capital to the industry; and, by adopting a variety of other policy initiatives that promoted the establishment of large-scale enterprises. Professor Michael E. Porter, in his book, The Competitive Advantage of Nations, argues that a firm's end products are the result of its competitive advantages and disadvantages. The two firms examined in this essay possessed two competitive advantages that promoted undifferentiated production: a high degree of productive integration from supply through to marketing: and large-scale production. Competitive disadvantages can allow a firm's products to become less advanced over time, or can preclude the advance to more differentiated production. Four competitive disadvantages prevented the development of differentiated products by Macmillan Bloedel and B.C.F.P. First, a super abundance of timber perpetuated undifferentiated production. With the continued supply of excellent quality timber protected by the government, competitive supply pressures were eliminated, and the resource was not evaluated or utilized to its maximum potential. Second, the integration of downstream supply networks by M.B. and B.C.F.P. impoverished lower levels of the industry. While this provided cost advantages to the producers, it limited the number of suppliers. Third, managerial incompetence at MacMillan Bloedel , and a narrowness of focus at B.C.F.P., limited the productive opportunities of these two firms. Finally, the collaboration of the two firms in marketing their undifferentiated products also diminished competitive pressures needed to promote differentiated production. Thus, contrary to some previous analytic approaches, the production orientation of these two firms can be explained with an historical analysis of their competitive advantages and disadvantages in the post-war period. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

Professional archaeologists firmly control the prehistory of British Columbia (more commonly referred to today as "pre-contact" history). This has been the case since Dr. Charles E. Borden, a German professor at the University of British Columbia, professionalized the archaeological discipline between 1945 and 1960. The purpose of this paper is to critically examine and explain the process by which this monopolization occurred, and to suggest the massive ramifications that have followed. Relevant approaches to the history of archaeology are reviewed, and a "contextual" strategy is adopted as the best way to unravel, but preserve, the richness of the local history of archaeology in B.C. A mixture of narrative and analytical style is employed in explaining the rise Borden and professional archaeology in the 1950s. It is argued that Borden produced knowledge by drawing on an existing network of North American archaeology to create, and substantiate, his authoritative position. In the context of archaeological site destruction, during the 1950s, Borden was able to pull unrelated members of the B.C. populous to his cause, including provincial officials, through the passing of the "Archaeological and Historic Sites Protection Act," in 1960. Amateur archaeologists and Aboriginal people lacked the means to amass the powerful alliances that Borden did, and therefore amateurs and Natives were unable to offer a persuasive alternative to Borden's authority. It is concluded that because of the professional encapsulation of B.C. archaeology, we, as non-specialists, have to put our faith in archaeologists, and assume that the knowledge they produce is truthful and valid It is suggested that professional archaeologists have joined other human scientists in a rapidly spiralling scientification of humanity. This is significant because specialists inform the State about who we are as citizens, and impose identities on us which partly dicate how the State regulates our access to resources. The example of Natives in B.C., who have recently appropriated professional archaeology to their own cause of settling land-claim disputes, is offered to show how alienated components of our identities can be returned to us through political action. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

Indian people in every agency in British Columbia suffered an injustice when the McKenna-McBride joint commission of the federal and provincial governments adjusted Indian reserve lands between 1913 and 1916. The report of this Royal Commission was amended before it was adopted by both governments in 1924, but the amendments only served to compound the inequity. This history of reserve land cut-offs in British Columbia considers the individual development of federal and provincial Indian land policies, the negotiations to homogenize them after union in 1871, and the efforts of Indians to resist reserve cut-offs. The primary sources, many of them generated by the reserve adjustment process of the Royal Commission, have allowed me to calculate the relative values of lands cut off or added by the commission, to discern the practical effects of the 1924 amendments, and to identify the principal consultants of the commission. These results, considered together with secondary sources which treat various aspects of reserve land cut-offs, indicate that the injustice was done at the insistence of the British Columbia government. Nevertheless, the federal government must share in the blame. It betrayed its role of protector of the Indians for the sake of creating a uniform Indian policy, no matter how unjust. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

Over the last twenty-five years, women's historians have striven with the problem of how to uncover women's lives in the past. The early concern with merely "retrieving" women's life stories has recently been augmented by a more theoretically- informed approach which takes into consideration issues of experience, voice, and representation, and which challenges the notion of absolute objectivity. This study was designed as a contribution to the latter type of historical research informed by the sociological debates on these issues, and was influenced by feminist materialist approaches that insist on accounting for both the content of experiences and the various discursive positions occupied by subjects. Specifically, it examines the bases of identity construction in the lives of two women teachers (Susan Abercrombie Holmes and Susan Suckley Flood) in nineteenth-century British Columbia, a context in which relatively little work on the history of women has been done. Identity is not perceived as given or static, but rather as constructed, changing, and sometimes contradictory. Even those markers of identity commonly called upon to describe a person- such as gender, race, class, religion, and nationality-are seen as problematic, and their ambiguities are discussed in relation to the life stories of the two women. Subsequently, the effects of these "markers" are further adumbrated through an examination of some of the less obvious ways in which the women's identities were constructed. These are all seen as interrelated, and include the influences of their families of origin on the women's earlier lives, especially regarding their education and marriage decisions, their functions as economic agents, their social relationships, and their self-images or self-representations. To the extent that these were fashioned by their gender identity, many similarities can be seen in their lives, but their experiences also diverged (widely or narrowly) as a result of their differences in other aspects, notably racial identity. These differences had a profound effect on the type and degree of material and ideological constraints placed upon them, and thus on the degree to which they were able to shape the construction of their own identities. / Education, Faculty of / Graduate