In 1904, a Native religious movement, Ak Jang, formed in Gorny Altai in Southwestern Siberia. It strongly opposed itself to Shamanism, which was considered to be the core tradition of Altaians. The initial persecution of the movement by the Russian colonial administration did not stop its spread and development. It was widely practiced in Altai until 1930 when it was eradicated by the Soviet regime. <p>During the period when Ak Jang was still practiced, it was observed by a number of witnesses, some of whom were ethnographers while others were not. Those who investigated Ak Jang, produced a number of diverse and often contradictory interpretations of it. <p>From the 1930 until the post-Soviet period, Ak Jang was not studied due to an imposition of the Communist Party verdict regarding its (counterrevolutionary) character. In the 1980, the practice of Ak Jang has resumed. However, there is no agreement in academic publications regarding its nature and character. <p>In my research, I aimed at two objectives: the analysis and clarification of certain misconceptions about the nature and character of Ak Jang, and the formulation of a view, according to which Ak Jang is the manifestation of the continuity between the old religious and cultural tradition of Turks and Mongols and the modern tradition of Altaians and their cultural siblings the heirs of the ancient Turkic-Mongolian culture.

In 1904, a Native religious movement, Ak Jang, formed in Gorny Altai in Southwestern Siberia. It strongly opposed itself to Shamanism, which was considered to be the core tradition of Altaians. The initial persecution of the movement by the Russian colonial administration did not stop its spread and development. It was widely practiced in Altai until 1930 when it was eradicated by the Soviet regime. <p>During the period when Ak Jang was still practiced, it was observed by a number of witnesses, some of whom were ethnographers while others were not. Those who investigated Ak Jang, produced a number of diverse and often contradictory interpretations of it. <p>From the 1930 until the post-Soviet period, Ak Jang was not studied due to an imposition of the Communist Party verdict regarding its (counterrevolutionary) character. In the 1980, the practice of Ak Jang has resumed. However, there is no agreement in academic publications regarding its nature and character. <p>In my research, I aimed at two objectives: the analysis and clarification of certain misconceptions about the nature and character of Ak Jang, and the formulation of a view, according to which Ak Jang is the manifestation of the continuity between the old religious and cultural tradition of Turks and Mongols and the modern tradition of Altaians and their cultural siblings the heirs of the ancient Turkic-Mongolian culture.

In 1904, a Native religious movement, Ak Jang, formed in Gorny Altai in Southwestern Siberia. It strongly opposed itself to Shamanism, which was considered to be the “core” tradition of Altaians. The initial persecution of the movement by the Russian colonial administration did not stop its spread and development. It was widely practiced in Altai until 1930 when it was eradicated by the Soviet regime. During the period when Ak Jang was still practiced, it was observed by a number of witnesses, some of whom were ethnographers while others were not. Those who investigated Ak Jang, produced a number of diverse and often contradictory interpretations of it. From the 1930 until the post-Soviet period, Ak Jang was not studied due to an imposition of the Communist Party “verdict” regarding its (counterrevolutionary) character. In the 1980, the practice of Ak Jang has resumed. However, there is no agreement in academic publications regarding its nature and character. In my research, I aimed at two objectives: the analysis and clarification of certain misconceptions about the nature and character of Ak Jang, and the formulation of a view, according to which Ak Jang is the manifestation of the continuity between the old religious and cultural tradition of Turks and Mongols and the modern tradition of Altaians and their cultural “siblings” – the heirs of the ancient Turkic-Mongolian culture.

Ce travail porte sur le renouveau religieux actuel des autochtones de la République de l’Altaï (Fédération de Russie). Les Altaïens renouent avec les pratiques considérées comme traditionnelles (chamanisme, bourkhanisme), mais se tournent également vers quantité de courants religieux plus ou moins exogènes (bouddhisme, christianismes orthodoxe et évangélique, mouvements New Age). Le choix d’une religion nationale qui servirait de point d’appui à la construction d’une identité altaïenne est un enjeu fondamental pour l’intelligentsia locale. Le politique imprègne en effet ces réarticulations du croire, et la concurrence entre les différents mouvements prend notamment corps dans l’appréhension singulière du territoire que chacun véhicule. Celle-ci est particulièrement visible dans les rituels saisonniers organisés par les adeptes du néo-chamanisme et du néo-bourkhanisme. De plus, l’analyse du festival des cultures altaïennes révèle comment l’Administration tente d’unir les autochtones sous la bannière d’un « esprit national », plaçant de ce fait l’événement dans la droite ligne des célébrations soviétiques de l’unité. Une nouvelle modalité d’utilisation de la poésie épique intervient dans ce processus de construction identitaire. En effet, l’épopée altaïenne s’inscrit dans les pratiques rituelles de nombreux courants religieux. Sa revitalisation, qui s’accompagne d’un remodelage profond, contribue à en faire le révélateur d’une identité altaïenne surpassant les divisions religieuses et transcendant les aspirations d’unité émanant du pouvoir central. Elle peut aussi être perçue comme un catalyseur qui singularise l’Altaï au sein de l’espace sibérien postsoviétique. / This work focuses on the contemporary religious revival among the indigenous people of the Altay Republic (Russian Federation). The Altaians reconnect with practices considered as traditional (Shamanism, Burkhanism), while exploring a more or less exogenous religious plurality (Buddhism, different branches of Orthodox and Evangelical Christianity, New Age movements). The choice of a national religion that could serve as a basis for the construction of a distinctive Altaian identity is a fundamental concern for the local intelligentsia. Political dimensions indeed do intersect with these different rearticulations of belief, and the competitive relationship between these movements especially takes shape in each particular understanding of the territory that each of them conveys. It is especially obvious within the seasonal rituals organized by the followers of neo-Shamanism and neo-Burkhanism. Additionally, the analysis of the festival of the Altaian cultures points out how the Administration tries to unite all the indigenous peoples under the banner of a “national spirit”. This attempt nevertheless makes the event a typical legacy of the soviet celebrations of unity. A new way of using epic poetry emerges in this identity construction process. The Altaian epic is indeed part of ritual practices in many religious trends. Its revitalization, followed by a deep reshaping, can be instrumental in turning it into a “revealing” of Altaian identity that overcomes religious divisions and transcends aspirations of unity that emanates from the central government. It can also be perceived as a catalyst in distinguishing the Altay within the Siberian post-soviet space.