The aim of this thesis is to explore the class and consciousness formation in a local setting by also developing and applying a theoretical framework which allow us to study the interaction of locus of class consciousness with the other loci of consciousness formation such as the community and the state. Such an approach is also grounded in the belief that a relational understanding of these processes requires us to take spatial dynamics such as local dependency, spatial fix and fixity and mobility into account. By critically drawing upon historico-geographical materialist approach(es), the thesis attempts at resolving the tensions between &lsquo / locality-wider society&rsquo / and &lsquo / structure-consciousness&rsquo / . By integrating them into a holistic and operational conceptual framework, it investigates the highly complex patterning of relations within urban structured coherences, and their effects upon the class and consciousness formation processes. It is shown that interpenetration of these fields of tension through urban processes is crucial in shaping a backbone for the concrete struggles fought by working class against capital in and of the urban regions. These issues are discussed with reference to two working class neighborhoods in Bursa. The first community, Emek, is an unplanned, illegally built settlement, hosting mostly migrant, and lower-wage earning industrial workers, and the second one, Akpinar, is a planned settlement, composed of low-cost housing cooperatives, symbolizing a higher living standard environment for well-paid, socially secure workers, mostly local in origin. The field research focuses on the relations between &lsquo / the labor market, housing market and local dependency&rsquo / and &lsquo / the strategies between mobility-fixity adopted both on part of capital and labor&rsquo / . The specific character of these strategies also tell us how the patterning of the relations between class, community and state loci of consciousness formation and the formation of local coherences mutually shape one another. It is often assumed in this context that formation of class-based consciousness is hindered by other loci of consciousness such as the community-based one. This study shows that community-based consciousness is itself largely absent in the communities in hand and when community-base is deployed by the local workers it is often strategically employed to get personal benefits. In this sense, the study concludes that the lack of community-based consciousness does not device more effective strategies of formation of class-based consciousness but perhaps another adverse factor in developing class-based consciousness in an environment heavily dominated by individualized form of consciousness.

This thesis discusses the working class formation, particularly the class consciousness formation of the working class during the Democrat Party period. Class consciousness formation is evaluated as a dimension of class formation process. Getting organized, trade unionization and collective action, especially calling a strike are among the significant aspects of class consciousness formation. During the DP period, right to strike is the most controversial and noteworthy issue. It is the basic debate in the trade union newspapers. This is the reason of discussing class consciousness with reference to right to strike as handled by the trade union newspapers. According to this study, class consciousness should be perceived as a phenomenon composed of different levels. In addition, class struggle can take place in different ways and class consciousness can have different forms. Although, it is hard to say that there is a class consciousness in the Leninist sense of the term, it is possible to talk about an economic-corporate consciousness with Gramsci&rsquo / s words. Trade unionization during the DP period and trade union publications are important experience of the workers in class consciousness formation process. Working classes do not generally taken into consideration in the studies of the DP period and also in the researches on Turkish labor history. The study also asserts that, experiences of trade unions or the workers in general during the DP period are worth to analyze for the Turkish labor history.

本論文研究目的，乃試以路線政策、意識型態與權力鬥爭三個面向來研究現階段中共 改革派與保守派的衝突情形。全文一冊，共分六章十七節，約七萬餘言，各章大要如 下﹕ 第一章﹕導論。主要分為研究動機目的、研究範圍方法與名詞概念的界定澄清。 第二章﹕本章主要探討改革保守兩派在路線政策方面的衝突。共分四節一一政策路線 在中共派系衝突中所扮演的角色、「鄧小平路線」的形成與內涵、改革保守兩派的路 線糾結與衝突、經濟體制改革與「鄧小平路線」的出路。 第三章﹕本章主要探討改革保守兩派在意識型態面向的衝突。共分四節一一意識型態 在中共政權下的特殊地位、「鄧小平路線」與馬克思主義關係、改革保守兩派的思想 紛歧與論爭、現階段中共意識型態運作的取向與困境。 第四章﹕本章主要探討改革派、保守派的權力鬥爭。共分三節一一權力在中共派系衝 突中所占有的地位、鄧小平領導體系的結構與障礙、權力繼承與領導權的爭奪。 第五章﹕本章主要研究現階段中共派系衝突的方式與特徵。栱分三節一一中共黨內鬥 爭的原則、改革保守兩派衝突的方式、現階段中共派系衝突的特徵。 第六章﹕結論。先就本文做個小結。並依研究結果對中共派系衝突的演變做一評估。