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When making economic analyses about a certain industry, it is essential to make some basic assumptions. One of these assumptions is either certainty or uncertainty. With certainty, predictions about economic behaviour can be made less cautiously. The petroleum industry is alleged to be influenced by elements of uncertainty, hence we expect that most of the decisions made in the industry are governed by expected uncertain outcomes. The task of this study, therefore, was to find out what the uncertainties might be in the petroleum industry of the developing countries. First, we discovered that governments of the developing countries may expect far too much from their oil resources. This expectation may be derived from various sources. One of them is the foreign exchange necessary to buy arms to defend their territories (like in the Middle East). Another source may be the pressing needs to accelerate economic growth. Finally, some of the countries may simply wish to be nationalistic. Regardless of the source, these expectations lead to some uncertainties in the industry. Secondly, some uncertainties are created by the oil producing companies themselves. By accumulating very large capital relative to companies in other industries, companies make themselves vulnerable to political policies. And one reason why this accumulation of large capital is possible is that their home governments have provided the economic incentives for them to expand. Thirdly, there is some degree of uncertainty specific to the petroleum industry. In the exploration stage, any addition to capacities is random. This randomness imposes uncertainties about the supply conditions in the industry. Also, there are a series of uncertainties about whether oil can be found in certain place or not, qualities and quantities that are of commercial values, the changes in the reservoir conditions during productions and the usual uncertainties which face any industries, i.e. price or demand conditions, and cost or supply conditions. Lastly, the governments and oil companies jointly agree to maximize the total profits of oil by seeking a common price policy but there is a reasonable degree of uncertainty about how to share this profit. We fall short of finding an optimum device for sharing the rent. However, we can conclude that the optimum rent sharing policy depends largely on the time horizon of the government of the developing country, and the type of economic growth it prefers. / Arts, Faculty of / Vancouver School of Economics / Graduate

Using the assumptions of various schools of thought on development as the theoretical framework, an attempt is made to examine the effects of foreign investment on the socioeconomic growth of 50 developing countries by means of multiple regression models that utilize some external and internal variables assumed to affect the growth rate of GNP. Results from these models indicate that new inflows of foreign investments and amounts of domestic investments are positively related to growth while accumulated stocks of foreign investments have no effect on growth. This suggests that development funds, designed specifically for increased domestic investments, would be the most effective way to increase GNP.

Existing literature on foreign aid does not indicate what type of political regime is best to achieve human development outcomes or use aid funds more efficiently. I contend that political leaders of different regime types have personal incentives that motivate them to utilize foreign aid to reflect their interests in providing more or less basic social services for their citizens. Using a data set of 126 aid-recipient countries between the years of 1990 and 2007, I employ fixed effects estimation to test the model. The overall results of this research indicate that foreign aid and democratic institutionalization have a positive effect on total enrollment in primary education, while political regime types show little difference from one another in providing public health and education for their citizens.

This study focuses on clarifying the relationships among decentralization, privatization, and economic development in developing countries.

A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy to the Faculty of Commerce, Law and Management The University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 2017 / Leadership in Higher Education Institutions (HEIs) in turbulent times has been undertheorised. A qualitative case study based on document analysis of 70 documents, 39 interviews and 2 focus groups was the vehicle for examining the role of the leadership at the Islamic University of Gaza (IUG). IUG has operated under complex conditions of occupation and ongoing turbulence from its inception in 1978 to the present. This study examines the period 1978-2012. In this time the university grew from 25 men studying Sharia in a tent to 20,000 students (63.7% female) studying across 11 faculties and 112 different specialisations. The study documents and labels four phases of development of the university. The patterns of leadership uncovered in the study include transformational, transactional, heroic, post-heroic and on some specific occasions authoritarian styles, with transformational being the most important. The way in which the leadership resolved short term crises, as well as their long-term and big-picture focus, shaped the development of the university. Resilience theory was applied alongside leadership theory to analyse the responses of IUG leadership. Resilience was taken beyond surviving to capitalising on disruption. Twenty three markers of resilience were found which worked independently and interactively to support resilient responses to the challenges IUG faced. These factors were initially developed from the literature, and new factors were added based on this research. The relationship between leadership styles and the promotion of resilience was examined. The thesis describes a mutual shaping and supporting role between university and society in Gaza, and discusses some of the paradoxes of help and harm coming from players and belief systems external to the university. The paradox of faith which can provide a cohesive, binding set of beliefs to support staff and students, as well as being the source of conflict and harm, is also discussed. A definition of a university as an educational community functioning beyond place, buildings, external recognition, or physical destruction was developed. / GR2019

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The thesis presented here analyzes the role of the less developed countries in the environmental issues in the United Nations, evaluates their influence, and analyzes the determinants of this influence. Our study assumes certain goal orientations of spokesmen for the less developed countries. These goal orientations are derived from the underdeveloped condition of most of these countries and their continuing political and economic dependence. They attempt to reduce this dependence through demands for radical transformations in the international political economy. This is done through negotiations with spokesmen for the developed countries. The attainment of their objectives constitutes an exercise of influence over their counterparts from the developed countries. The outcomes themselves, for our study, are less important than the interactions, styles,and conversion of political resources into influence. Therefore, it is on the dynamics of the North-South set of international relations that this study focuses. \~ile the environmental negotiations confirm the persistence of a certain stable pattern of demands on the part of the less developed countries, behavioral discontinuities,in terms of methods or style of negotiation, are evident in a review of the negotiations. Spokesmen for the less developed countries seemed to prefer negotiated settlements to majority voting, which is a significant departure from their past negotiating style. Bloc politics, therefore, need not always be incompatible with negotiations. Spokesmen for most of the developed countries were also unusually more accommodating in their responses to the demands of the less developed countries. The dispositions and interests of the former, the latter's preference for bargaining over majority voting, as well as the transnational character of most of the environmental issues, partly made possible the unusual negotiating behavior of both groups of countries. Another significant finding is that the less developed countries (the weak} have some influance on the developed countries (the strong} in negotiations. The determinants of this influence must be sought in factors other than economic, military, scientific-technological, and communication capabilities on the one hand, or majority voting on the other. This corroborates Professor Zartman's suggestion that the role of power must be analyzed in the context of negotiations. Finally, the study presented here indicates that the concept of environmental quality is broader and more complex than the desire to prevent planetary collapse. There is more to be learn~d about environmental politics in the UN than can be gathered from popular literature. Scientists and advocates of environmental control tend to treat the world globally and ignore essential political differences. As much as the durability of planet Earth is being challenged by the ecological issues, a scientific solution which is divorced from the political context of the issues is not likely to be a realistic response to the pressures in the contemporary international political system. The success of the UN environmental program substantially depends on the attitudes and policies of the developed countries. Unless they are prepared to assume additional moral, economic, and financial responsibilities for making the simultaneous pursuit of development and environmental protection goals possible in the less developed parts of the world, a lingering disagreement is more likely to characterize North-South dialogue on the environment. / Thesis / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

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