In the past twenty-five years there has been a marked increase in the number of women in the paid labour force, especially among women with young children. Time studies have shown that when a woman has a young family plus a position in the paid labour force, she works a very long day and has little time for recreational or leisure pursuits. This thesis therefore poses the following questions: 1. Do women who participate in the paid labour force report poorer health status than their counterparts who are homemakers? 2. Do women who participate in the paid labour force exhibit lifestyle patterns significantly different from their homemaker counterparts? 3. Do women in the paid labour force exhibit health care utilization patterns significantly different from their homemaker counterparts? and 4. Do women's lifestyles, reported health status and health care utilization patterns differ from those of their male counterparts in the paid labour force? Data from the 1978-79 Canada Health Survey (C.H.S.), which had asked a wide cross-section of Canadians about their lifestyle, health status and use of the health care system, were used to explore these questions. A model was then developed for this study which linked health risk behaviours, health status and health care related behaviours, and which used the variables available in the C.H.S. data base. Multiple Classification Analyses were carried out to determine the best predictors of women's health risk behaviours, health status and health care related behaviours. The three study groups were then standardized using the top two predictors and the rates of the various states and behaviours were compared. First, in the prediction of women's health risk behaviours, the demographic variables included in the model were not effective as only 3-4% of the variance in the scores could be explained. Secondly, in the prediction of health status scores, the composite health risk scores developed for each subject plus the demographic variables were able to explain 4 - 11% of the variation. Thirdly, in the prediction of women's health care related behaviours the composite health risk scores, the health status scores and the demographic variables were together able to explain 14 - 27% of the variance. When the standardized rates for high health risk behaviours were compared, there were significant differences between the three groups but no group was consistently better or worse than any other. The men's group however, consistently reported better health and less use of the health care system. The women's groups reported similar health states but women in the paid labour force reported a higher use of medications and fewer days in hospital. The C.H.S. was designed to address issues which affect the whole population. The questions therefore, were not always sufficiently specific to describe the special circumstances of women, especially for example in their childbearing and nurturing years. The rapidly changing social and economic circumstances of women and their families, as women enter the paid labour force, plus the need for more information on their health risk behaviours - what these behaviours are, and what predisposes women to engage in them - point to the need for more research focused specifically on this section of the population. / Medicine, Faculty of / Population and Public Health (SPPH), School of / Graduate

In 2000, 79 percent of married Canadian women between the ages of 25 and 44 were in the labour force and 75 percent were employed.1 Many Canadian families with working parents use costly child-care, and many of these families take advantage of the child-care expense deduction (CCED): in 1998, 71 percent of families with pre-school children used child-care services to work or study at a given point in time,2 and 868,460 taxfilers reported nearly $2.4 billion in child-care expenditures on 1,390,200 children.3 In this thesis, I examine the effects of parental labour supply and child-care use on children, the impacts that child-care costs have on the labour supply of married mothers, and the fairness of the tax system with respect to child-care costs. Chapters I, and V are introductory and concluding chapters, respectively. In chapter II, I consider the question of whether parental labour supply and child-care use affect child cognitive and behavioural outcomes. Parental labour supply reduces the amount of time parents have for their children. On the other hand, parents can replace their own time with child-care services and can also purchase more market goods with additional income earned at work. I examine this question using the first three cycles of the National Longitudinal Survey of Children and Youth (NLSCY), which provide both a large sample size and a rich source of data, including controls for parenting skills. The possible joint detennination of labour supply and child outcomes is also tested. In chapter III, I estimate the impact of child-care costs on the return to work of married Canadian women with children under three, using data from the 1988 Canadian National Childcare Survey (CNCCS) and Labour Market Activity Survey (LMAS). Data from the 1995 Canadian General Social Survey indicate that Canadian mothers have split views on the issue of whether parental labour supply has deleterious effects on child outcomes. Furthermore, women's views on these issues tend to be consistent with their labour supply, suggesting their views may affect whether they choose to work or not. If women's preferences for work are based on thenviews and are correlated with other explanatory variables such as education and cost of care, the estimated coefficients on these explanatory variables will be biased. In order to allow for these potential differences in responsiveness to childcare costs, I estimate separate models where current or previous occupation and weeks worked in the previous 12 months are used as control variables in the estimation to account for heterogeneity of preferences. In chapter IV of the thesis, I use data from the CNCCS and LMAS to examine the vertical and horizontal equity of the CCED. Vertical equity is evaluated by comparing CCED benefit rates for different family levels of earnings. This is done for dual earner families with childcare costs and similar characteristics. Horizontal equity is examined by investigating whether the existence of the CCED increases or decreases the difference between effective tax rates of families with similar earnings but different labour supplies. I use measures of actual and potential earnings to evaluate both vertical and horizontal equity. / Arts, Faculty of / Vancouver School of Economics / Graduate

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published_or_final_version / Comparative Literature / Master / Master of Philosophy