This paper examines the recruitment, characteristics, motivation and functions of "political exempt staff in Canadian government. These potentially influential individuals, free from the political restrictions on public servants, tend to operate in the shadows cast by senior elected officeholders. As a result, too little is known of their characteristics or activities, although they have been the subject of some research. An important aim of this paper is to determine whether political exempt staff, by working closely with prime ministers, premiers or cabinet ministers, have significant influence on public policy-making. Thus, researching the origins, attributes, motivations and roles of these unelected political acolytes may yield useful information concerning the operation of Canadian democracy. Since public office, elected or otherwise, forms part of our social system, a large number of questions may be raised. What are the socio-economic and educational characteristics of exempt staff? How and from where are they recruited? What is it about political life which attracts their interest and helps to fulfill their aspirations? What motivates such individuals? How do such persons influence public policy? In terms of the democratic process, what is the nature and relative importance of the function performed by political exempt staff? For example, how are their duties and responsibilities determined and delimited? To what extent are their activities partisan in orientation? Do they tend to have an appreciable influence on government policies and programs? Further, what degree of control do exempt staff exercise over access to elected officials? To what extent do they shape public office-holders' opinions and decisions? If they act as "gate-keepers" and confidants, do they constitute effective targets for professional lobbyists and others seeking to influence government action? This paper seeks to address these and other questions through analysis of data derived from interviews with 33 former exempt staff who served as political assistants and advisers, primarily in the federal government. The purpose is to gain useful operational insights into a unique position in our governmental system. The findings of this study suggest that political exempt staff play an important role in sustaining a government's "political impulse", the policy momentum it gains from an election mandate. The exempt staff also constitute a valuable point of contact for persons or organizations seeking information, support or a favourable decision from government.

Canadian planners face an uncertain future. The communities which planners serve are experiencing significant change and seeking answers to the environmental, economic, and social factors affecting them Planners have been disparaged publicly and in writing by prominent popular writers, criticized by planning theorists, reproached by politicians and the public, and challenged from within and outside the profession to explore new ways of addressing the issues facing society. While planners have been caught up in those debates and issues, no one has asked planners what they think about the future of their profession. This study examines the state of Canadian planning^ asks practitioners what they think about their profession, and identifies the factors which affect the work of planners. The study is based upon a review of planning literature and a survey of Canadian planners. The literature review examines others' -mainly planning theorists'- primary research to explore the historic relationship between planners and city building and the influences of that relationship upon modem planning thought and practice. The study also reviews the evolution of modem planning theory and modern planning practice. The examination of the history and theory of planning provides a context for the exploration of practitioners' views of the nature and status of planning in Canada. The focus of the study is an analysis of the views of Canadian practitioners on the current state of planning. Five hundred and two questionnaires were sent to a random sample of members of the Canadian Institute of Planners (CIP), representing 14% of the Provisional and Full members. One hundred and tiiirty three or 27% of the sample responded. The results provide a detailed understanding of what Canadian planners identify as the issues facing Canadian planning practice. The study confirms that a majority of Canadian planners believe that planning practice is facing or is in a state of crisis. They suggest that the crisis is caused by a number of factors such as the political nature of planning decision-making, lack of public understanding of planning, and lack of understanding of planning by politicians. Many planners feel that planning is compromised by the politics of place and that, more and more, planning is facing conflicts of competing interests. In the face of those pressures, planners believe that most planners have become agents of order rather than agents of change. They suggest that the future of planning rests in identifying appropriate new concepts of planning action. A large number also believe that there is a weak linkage between the theory and practice of planning which threatens the well being of planning practice. Building upon the findings of the survey and Len Gertler's 1994 challenge to the Canadian Institute of Planners to identify a "more appropriate development model," the study suggests that a "new development model" could reinvigorate Canadian planning and build effective linkages between theory and practice. The study suggests the evolving concepts of healthy communities and sustainable development could provide a framework for such a model which could have a social reform and interventionist approach to community-based action. The dissertation offers suggestions on the potential form of the model and the role that the Canadian Institute of Planners could play in articulating it.

Taking as a given the general decline of organized religion in Canada, this thesis attempts to document the present lack of commitment towards organized religion among adolescents. Four questions are explored: (1) how committed are Canada's adolescents toward organized religion relative to other social options? (2) to what degree has religious commitment amond Canadian adolescents shifted over time? (3) in what ways does adolescent religious commitment vary according to religious group? and (4) do adolescent religiosity patterns follows those of adults? The major finding of this study, based on national Project Teen Canada and Project Canada data, is that organized religion is seldom experienced or valued by the vast majority of Canadian youth. Furthermore, adolescent religious commitment decreased from 1984 to 1992. Conservative Protestants reported higher religious commitment than did other youth and adolescent religiosity generally reflected adult levels. Lastly, tentative evidence suggest that Canada may experience future social consequences if adolescent religious disinterest continues. Despite being tentative and exploratory in nature, it is believed that the thesis gives social scientists their first national, in depth, sociological analysis of Canadian youth and organized religion. As such the findings provide a solid launching pad for further research. The thesis concludes with a plea for innovative study of Canadian adolescent religiosity and offers a list of potential projects. / v, 101 leaves ; 28 cm.

State subventions to parties have been introduced in many Western democratic states with little discussion about the effect that such payments from a state to a political party have on the party. Political scientists, though, have conducted a lively debate about the effect of these state subventions on parties and party systems. With the introduction of state subventions in Canada, there is a significant opportunity to study the effects of the subsidy on parties. This thesis is a case study of the Green Party of Canada during the first three years after the introduction of state subventions to parties. The Green Party of Canada offers us a unique opportunity to see a party emerge from fringe status with the assistance of a state subvention to the party. There are many important findings we can draw from this party’s experience of the state subvention. / ix, 128 leaves ; 29 cm.

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This study analyzes ownership and directorship links among larger Canadian-owned corporations. These links have received insufficient attention from Canadian economists. It shows that these corporations did not undergo the radical changes predicted for their counterparts in other countries: proprietor ownership remains high, and the board of directors persists as the centre of power. / Ownership links form the basis for the development and empirical investigation of the "Shadow Group" concept. The taxonomical classification of shadow groups reveals complex structures accompanying diversification strategies. Interlocking directorships exist among "core" corporations inside the groups and are frequent between the shadow groups and the rest of the economy. / Shadow groups were at the heart of mergers and acquisitions between 1978 and 1981. A case study shows that external growth (especially takeovers) is their characteristic tactic for expansion. Hence, the necessity exists for amending economic theories to account for the behaviour of these groups.

This thesis analyses the evolution of informal and formal, private and public income security mechanisms in Canada from the beginning of the colonial period to the present. These programs generally deal with three categories of problems: problems stemming from interruptions of production income due to sickness, accident, premature death of the breadwinner or caused by retirement or unemployment; problems related to non-participation in the labour force such as those encountered by mothers who stay home with their children, children themselves, students, handicapped people and individuals who due to age can no longer enter the labour force; problems related to insufficiency of production income which are usually the problems of low wage earners. This thesis studies mainly the income security programs designed to correct the first two types of economic dependency. / Three main theoretical hypotheses emerge from the economic analysis of the evolution in historical time of income security mechanisms. First, the types of economic dependency which those programs try to deal with are generally collective problems of income distribution or, in other words, income transfers problems; they are not individual problems of saving, neither are they intertemporal income allocation problems. Second, in the field of income security, the institutions of the private sector do not have the economic power to efficiently implement the income security programs desired. Third, the income security collective strategies are deeply influenced by the collective values of Canadian society; therefore, the form that State intervention takes in the field of income security obeys the necessities and the constraints of these values. In addition to the influence of collective values, this thesis discusses the impact of macroeconomic stabilization policies on the evolution of income security programs. / The hypotheses presented in this thesis are original in comparison to the current literature. Indeed an important number of authors consider economic dependency as being principally an individual problem of intertemporal allocation of income and not a collective problem of income distribution. Few of them study the relative efficiency of different economic institutions in providing appropriate income security programs. And finally, many authors ignore the role of collective values.

In the next few years, the number of international students, including graduate students, in Canada is expected to increase considerably (Cudmore, 2005). Simultaneously, recent funding cuts to higher education in a more neoliberal policy climate leave these students with fewer services to facilitate their integration into the host community (Hellsten & Prescott, 2004; Trice, 2004). One important way in which students become integrated is by participating in civic engagement projects. This study examined how, in the current policy climate, international graduate students are taking part in such projects. / Based on semi-structured interviews with six international graduate students in the field of education in Quebec, the study showed that students embraced a more Deweyan perspective of education and successfully participated in civic engagement projects despite many challenges, such as an academic culture that provides little active support for their involvement in civic engagement activities. The study concludes with recommendations so that universities can provide such support.

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