Government archivists serve more than one interest. They are responsible to citizens, as the source of democratic power, and they are responsible to government, as their employer, and as the creator of the records through which government is held accountable to citizens. This thesis explores the role that archives and archivists can play in support of democratic accountability, and traces the historical development of archivists' perceptions of that role. Examples of conflict between serving citizens and serving the state are explored to demonstrate the potential for conflict in the work of government archivists. How government archivists perceive their responsibilities determines the role that archivists and thus archives play in democratic society. It also determines how archivists deal with the conflicts that can arise because of the dual nature of their responsibilities. Seven government archivists were interviewed about their perceptions of their responsibilities and role as public servants in a democratic state, and about their experiences with incidents when their responsibilities were in conflict. The interviews also explored the following factors that determine how government archivists fulfil their role: the expectations and restrictions put on public servants; the level of professional autonomy granted to government archivists as public servants; the predominance of economic determinism within government administrations; the attitude of the archival profession toward activism and advocacy; and the need for a watchdog over government record-keeping. The findings of the interviews led to the conclusion that archivists need to articulate a strong, common language of purpose that emphasizes the importance of preserving and providing access to archives as the evidence of the actions of government administration. This strength, when accompanied by a clear understanding of the political nature of archival work, will help government archivists deal with the constraints and conflicts of their position within government and within society. / Arts, Faculty of / Library, Archival and Information Studies (SLAIS), School of / Graduate

Recent transformations within modern economies have often been discussed under the concept of “restructuring”. However this term, despite its widespread use in sociology, has little explanatory power. What is needed instead is a consideration of how restructuring has taken place. Three major theoretical positions which attempt to provide this understanding are Marxist monopoly captialism, post-fordism and post-industrialism. Each of these paradigms provides a different understanding of the nature and operation of contemporary capitalist formations. My purpose in this thesis is to determine which of these different viewpoints is most applicable to the Canadian situation. I will do so through an examination of changes in the self-employed sector of the Canadian economy since 1960. The self-employed sector, besides being of intrinsic interest because of its recent attention by politicians and the popular media, is an important testing ground for the relative validity of the above theories in the Canadian context. Each framework is consistent with a set of well-defined and contrasting predictions about what should happen to the overall size of the self-employed sector, as well as expectations about the direction of ascriptive inequality, both within the sector and in the larger society. Using time series regression procedures, declines and increases in the size of the entrepreneurial sector over the last thirty or so years are documented. In addition, the importance of increases in the sector is examined by modelling the effect of unemployment on self-employment. Predictions about ascriptive inequalities are tested through an investigation of earnings functions within the self-employed and employed populations. The results of these analyses suggest that a post-fordist understanding of the contemporary Canadian economy is most appropriate. Self-employment has clearly increased since 1960, and ascriptive inequalities, particularly by gender, have persisted throughout much ofthe latter half of this period. The implication of this is that in order to understand the larger processes shaping our economy, as well as the nature of work beyond self-employment, we are most likely to find answers in discussions about post-fordism. / Arts, Faculty of / Anthropology, Department of / Graduate

This thesis is a study of the current backlash against immigration and multiculturalism policies. The author looks at current arguments against both policies, and compares them to evidence. These arguments are drawn from the media; the writings of critics like Richard Gwyn, and William D. Gairdner; and the policies of the Reform Party. It will provide a historical review of the experiences of immigrant groups in adapting to Canadian society. From this review, the author identifies several consistent themes in anti-multiculturalism and anti-immigration literature, which include: multiculturalism is little more than "flash and dance", the policy is unanimously unpopular among the general public, immigrants take jobs from Canadian-born, immigrants are a burden to society, and that immigrants are not needed to offset the ageing of the Canadian population. The author concludes that these criticisms are based on misconceptions and distortions of facts. In some cases, the criticisms reflect more of an attack on minority groups rather than on these policies, and reveal a movement to reverse the pluralistic nature of Canadian society. This research comes at a time when the debate over these policies is clouded with emotion. The author makes several recommendations as to how the public education system can help counter the use of these themes in the media. / Education, Faculty of / Educational Studies (EDST), Department of / Graduate

The purpose of this study was to examine and interpret the legal decisions of the Canadian courts in litigation concerning tort liability on the part of the physical education teacher and coach in the gymnasium, on the playing field, in the community recreation classes and on athletic trips up to and including early 1975. Basically, the answers to the following questions were sought: (1) What is negligence in law and how does this apply to the Physical Education teacher? (2) If a teacher is involved in a law suit what legal defenses are open to him or her? (3) What are some of the areas in the school system which a teacher should be particularly aware of in terms of potential legal problems? The study aimed to stimulates (1) an appreciation for protecting the student in the school environment and on athletic trips (2) an understanding of the basic precepts of liability that might have an adverse or constructive effect on the school program (3) a realization that loss of professional integrity and financial loss can be painful consequences of one's liability. An attempt was made to clarify basic legal issues in the area of tort liability that concerns the physical educator in Canada, and to point out issues that the Physical Education teacher should be aware of in evaluating activities in the light of possible repercussions. Also, where major problems were discovered concerning the P.E. teacher's legal status in Canada, recommendations were made as to solutions to these problems. The research was carried out through an investigation of Canadian court cases relating to the topic of legal liability and the physical education teacher. From these cases it was possible to establish some basic legal principles concerning teacher liability in the classroom, in the gymnasium, on the playing field and on trips away from the school environment. / Education, Faculty of / Curriculum and Pedagogy (EDCP), Department of / Graduate

Revenue Canada, Customs and Excise is given the responsibility for controlling the importation of foreign goods into Canada by provisions of federal legislation. The control is effected by regulations requiring that most imported goods pass through a sufferance warehouse to be presented to Customs, along with approved documentation, for appraisal and assessment of applicable duty and taxes. Sufferance warehouses have been approved for all modes carrying foreign goods into Canada with the manifest mode of transport dictating the sufferance mode. The sufferance warehouse concept originated on the docks where goods arriving by sea were discharged for entry into Canadian markets. This was the natural clearance location , being the first breakbulk point on Canadian soil the clearance function could be-undertaken with minimum disruption to the efficient flow of goods. Rail sufferance warehouses were authorized soon after rail, lines crossed the Canada-United States border. Rather that requiring appraisal and assessment of import charges at frontier border crossings Revenue Canada authorized creation of rail sufferance warehouses, at inland ports where the normal breakbulk function takes place. Similar facilities have been authorized for the air mode at airports across Canada. Until 1952, the transborder motor carrier industry was required to present shipments to Customs at frontier border points. In that year, a national rail strike put pressure on the trucking industry and on Customs, to improve the delivery system for transborder goods. Revenue Canada's response was extension of the inland sufferance warehouse concept to the highway mode.. A series of privately-owned warehouses were authorized on a monopoly basis within each Customs port area, through which all transborder motor carriers were required to clear goods for Customs purposes. The highway sufferance warehouse system has accommodated the needs of Customs, those of the motor carriers and those of consignor/consignees of transborder goods by providing breakbulk facilities for carriers, adherence to the clear ance process which Revenue Canada demands and a minimum of delay time and cost for the consignee and the Canadian taxpayer within a centralized facility. In spite of the success complaints have been heard from motor carrier firms forced to use the facilities operated by the monopoly warehouse-keeper who is often a carrier firm competing for transborder freight traffic. These complaints are of inequities in the treatment of carriers using the warehouse facilities which the unregulated monopoly power of the operator permits. Specifically, carriers complain of unequal provision of services at the warehouses, about excessive rates and charges for space and services and about the effects of these factors on intra and inter modal competition. The thesis examines the transborder motor carrier industry share of the freight market and the clearance process for imported goods. It was found that the trucking industry holds a significant and increasing share of the market-— increasing at the expense of the rail carriers. The clearance procedures were found to be complicated by excessive and confusing documentation requirements and, although some simplification has occurred, changes which would simplify this major cause of clearance delays are advisable. The available information about the highway sufferance warehouse system is presented and is supplemented by the results of the 1976 Highway Sufferance Warehouse Survey undertaken as a part of this study. The thesis examines the specific complaints about the sufferance warehouse system and suggests that they result from a lack of enforcement of the existing regulations governing warehouse operations by Revenue Canada. Both public and private interests are served when competition in the transborder freight market is encouraged and in those instances when public sector inaction discourages competition changes are necessary. The thesis considers the United States system highway clearance system and suggests that the problems in Canada are not serious enough to require adoption of new procedures but could benefit from some 'fine tuning’ measures which would place with Revenue Canada the responsibilty for regulating the monopoly sufferance warehouse system. / Business, Sauder School of / Graduate

The basic objectives of this thesis are to build an earnings function for farm incomes of Canadian farm operators, and estimate the rate of return to schooling. It is hypothesized that the low levels of farm income are related to the low investment in education by farm operators. If reasonable estimates of positive returns to schooling are found, they will be useful for policy makers in considering the improvement of the quality of farm operator labour via schooling, as an alternative measure to increase farm income. To achieve the goals of this study, an earnings function is built for the group of entrepreneurs, in particular the farm operators. As a test of functional form a digression is made and a value added approach discussed and utilized as an alternative way of computing the contribution of schooling to farm income. Although both methods yielded significant estimates of the return to schooling comparable to previous studies, the value added approach was found to be a better specified formulation with respect to estimating the productivity of schooling in farm production. The estimate of the marginal product of schooling using the earnings function approach was found to be higher as we concentrated on the full-time farmers. For the value added approach, the estimates differed as we varied the input specification, being higher as we decrease the number of decision variables in the estimating equation. Estimates for both models however have their respective biases and shortcomings attributable mainly to the variables omitted in both specifications. These estimates could be improved with the availability of better specified variables and use of an alternative analytical procedure. In addition to providing strong evidence that schooling is a significant determinant of farm incomes, this study also led to another important conclusion. Using a transformed labour variable in the value added function at the census division level led to an important finding that a similar output-input relationship exists in the agricultural sectors of both the U.S. and Canada. Specifically the relationship was identical for the elasticities of output with respect to labour, with respect to education (schooling), and with respect to the weighted labour variable (product of labour and schooling) values of selected years. / Land and Food Systems, Faculty of / Graduate

National transport policy should be determined by choosing among existing policy and alternatives to it on the basis of national and regional development objectives. This approach to transport policy formulation is explored within one important transport sector: high-bulk, long-haul freight in Western Canada. The implications of national rail policy are most pertinent, and most keenly felt, in economic regions dependent upon the export of primary resources, and it is in these markets which rail displays an enduring natural competitive advantage. The two transcontinental rail carriers are in fact dominant in Western freight movement. The methodology rests upon an analysis of the theoretical literatures, federal legislation, published statistics, empirical studies, regulatory decisions, and various position statements pertaining to rail policy. The analysis is augmented by a case study of "policy in action" with regard to Saskatchewan's potash industry. Four policy options are presented, comprised of existing policy and three recommended changes advocated by various interests. Each policy option represents a cumulatively greater degree of government intervention, and each is evaluated against five criteria, developed out of the facts of Western Canadian economic geography, stated objectives of the 1967 National Transportation Act and Bill C-33 (1977), and basic development objectives on which there is broad national consensus. Application of the evaluative criteria to the four policy options leads to the following conclusions: 1) Integration of the two national railroads is a requisite for achieving maximum economic and operating efficiency within the rail industry itself. Despite increasing competition from trucking, rail continues to constitute a natural monopoly in the markets for which it has an inherent advantage, and these in turn remain a significant proportion of total rail markets. In these bulk commodity markets, intramodal competition is weak or non-existent, and a policy response of encouraging the two national carriers to compete under conditions of commercial freedom results in duplication of capital investment, loss of cost and quality-of-service benefits to users, retardation of technological innovation, skew-ness of industrial location patterns, and an inhibition of rail's ability to compete intermodally in other markets. The history of the CNR is a testimony to the inappropriateness of contrived competition as a policy response in a natural monopoly market. 2) National transportation policy must serve the goals of national and regional policy. The railways' exclusive pursuit of economic efficiency impedes the achievement of allocative efficiency by its inattention to the significant externalities (both positive and negative) attendant the rail industry, and by its potential to thwart existing national policies and programs whose goals go beyond economic efficiency. Second, rationalization of routes and services arising from legislative directives to provide only compensatory rail service is resulting in atrophy of a developed rail network which may later be required to meet increased demand for rail service. 3) The unified national rail system must come under public ownership. Canadian history shows that the two favoured remedies for abuse of rail monopoly power (contrived competition and regulation) have proved in- effective. Alternatively, public ownership provides the best opportunity for ensuring performance of public duties by rail, and for achieving public accountability for the considerable sum of public-sector investment that rail will require within the next decade. 4) Planning for rail must be decentralized, participatory and integrated with planning for other modes. At present, no clear demarcation of policy-making authority exists between the legislative and judicial functions of the federal government with respect to rail transport: in the absence of unambiguous directives from the Ministry (Transport Canada), the Canadian Transport Commission is, in practice, assuming a policy role through its semi-judicial decisions. The Ministry must re-establish its full responsibility for transport policy, and: a) revise the CTC's regulatory mandate to include only the making of regulatory and appeal decisions on a case-by-case basis, according to directives or criteria from the Ministry; b) reorganize the structure of the CTC to permit both regional representation and an intermodal approach to regulation; c) provide clear policy directives to the management of the rail company; and d) provide an institutional mechanism by which provincial governments and labour can participate in the formulation of transport policy affecting them. 5) A unified, publicly-owned national rail system will deliver its full promise only when accompanied by public-sector economic planning. Employing transport as a policy tool re-introduces the opportunity for "political interference" in the rail industry, but future intervention should take place only in the form of formally-adopted economic strategies. To have the railways respond to the demands of regional populism or special-interest lobbies per se invites squander of scarce resources, but to have them respond to public duties required in the service of planned economic development enhances the probability of a rational, economic and politically responsible allocation of those resources. / Applied Science, Faculty of / Community and Regional Planning (SCARP), School of / Graduate

The Statist Impulse: The Case of Petro-Canada seeks to find cause for the establishment and phenomenal growth of Canada's National Petroleum Corporation. The study argues that Petro-Canada is part and parcel of an historically constituted statist dynamic common to all advanced capitalist countries. Utilizing Marxist theory, the thesis contends that statism serves to resolve the problems or failures of capitalist economies, and is an essential prerequisite for the growth of capital. Such was the case with Petro-Canada. The international oil crisis of the early seventies, which resulted in so much economic disorder and concern about future energy security, caused governments to increasingly turn to state enterprise, in the hope of filling their national petroleum needs. The statist impulse was furthered by the fact that the private oil companies, particularly in the eyes of .the majority of governments, failed to respond to the crisis adequately or satisfactorily. After an examination of the western industrialized nations growing reliance on state capitalist forms for obtaining energy security, the thesis investigates Petro-Canada in more detail. The study develops the point that Canada's vigorous public enterprise tradition played no small role in the crown corporation's creation and success. It is then argued that although the NDP and nationalist wave of the late 1960's spawned the concept of a Petro-Canada, the Liberals and Federal state singlehandedly implemented the proposal. The Government wholeheartedly embraced Petro-Canada, not for the sake of the NDP, but for reasons having to do with state capitalism. Through Petro-Canada's subsequent participation in numerous joint ventures, the state has socialized part of the private oil industry's exploration and development risk so as to prod the petroleum corporations into greater activity. But the crown corporation has also acted as a substitute for the petroleum giants in certain areas, such as crude importation, so as to protect energy dependent general capital. The study contends that from a position of outright hostility toward Petro-Canada, the private sector gradually accepted state intervention into petroleum because of the lucrative joint ventures. Accordingly, it is argued that the state acted autonomously in setting-up Petro-Canada, without the support of the Canadian bourgeoisie. Finally, the study looks at the Tory effort to dismantle Petro-Canada and concludes that statism, in the form of the National Petroleum Corporation, proved too potent a force for the Conservatives to tackle. The issue of 'privatization' politically isolated the Tories from the majority of Canadians and became such a contentious internal issue that it divided and paralyzed the Conservative Government. In the end, Petro-Canada helped defeat the Tories and symbolizes the victory of state-capitalism over anti-statism. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

In an effort to adapt the law to modern society, the courts have expanded the bases on which divorces obtained abroad will be recognized in Canada and Parliament has modified the domestic rules for the assumption of jurisdiction in divorce petitions. This has resulted in a significant increase in uncertainty and inconsistency in the law, which is evidenced in the large volume of litigation in this area. Analysis of the grounds for recognition of foreign divorces gives rise to a further concern, that is, the effect of a foreign divorce on the right of a spouse or former spouse to financial support. The chief unresolved problem, at least as far as Canadian divorce legislation is concerned, is the protection of a spouse's right to financial support in Canada when a foreign divorce is recognized here. Furthermore, if a foreign divorce is not recognized here, its effect on the right to financial support seems to be somewhat uncertain. Having considered the objectives of the law in this field, together with the current law and alternatives available to the legislature, it is submitted that law reform is desirable. Specific recommendations are formulated at the end of each of the three parts of the thesis. / Law, Peter A. Allard School of / Graduate

This thesis is concerned with the estimation of the cost involved in supporting minimum housing standards under alternative forms of government intervention. No attempt is made to rationalize what minimum housing standards should be. The intent is to highlight what the relative costs would be to support alternative housing standards, utilizing potentially alternative policy approaches. To rationalize the numerous policy/program alternatives available to governments, attention is focused on six policy alternatives that reflect varying degrees of "leakage" of the provided subsidy to the consumption of non-housing goods and services. These alternatives cover the continuum from pure cash (income) subsidies, wherein up to a 100% "leakage" to the consumption of non-housing goods and services may occur, to direct product intervention, wherein the recipients may be required to reduce the consumption of non-housing goods and services in order to improve their housing standards. The six options are classified by type either as a "cash" subsidy (where the use of the subsidy is not constrained) or a "direct product" subsidy (where the subsidy is used directly for the subsidization of capital and/or operating costs). Under the "cash" subsidy approaches two benchmark options are considered: 1. an "income" policy that involves the subsidization of incomes such that the recipients are free to choose consumption levels. This policy corresponds to pure income redistribution. 2. a "constrained cash" or "in kind" policy that involves the subsidization of incomes at a level dependent on either the level of housing consumption or expenditure on housing consumption. Such a policy covers programs comparable to rent certificates and general housing allowances. The options considered as "direct product" approaches are more arbitrary in nature, reflecting alternative benchmarks: 1. a "direct constrained" policy wherein recipients are forced to reduce their consumption of other goods and services to offset the required increase in expenditure on housing. This policy form is taken as the lower benchmark for the policy continuum, reflecting the potential impact of zoning and occupancy regulat ions. 2. a "direct quantity" policy wherein recipients are compensated for the cost of the additional quantity of housing consumed only. 3. a "direct expenditure" policy wherein recipients are subsidized in the amount of the total increase in expenditure on housing incurred. 4. a "direct price" policy wherein the subsidy is provided to buy down the unit price of housing. Such a policy covers mortgage market intervention and compensated rent control programs. The computation of these costs, for selected Canadian Metropolitan Areas, (CMAs), is undertaken using a simulation model based on a long run (ten year) regional housing market model developed by the Urban Institute, Washington DC, during the early 1970's. This model traces the interaction inherent in the supply and demand of housing in each of many separate, but highly inter-dependent housing submarkets. For this study the demand side of the model has been respecified to allow the incorporation of a tenure option, the use of after tax incomes and the direct estimation of the demand functions. The essence of the modified model is a microeconomic perspective on households and owners contracting for housing at prices and quantities determined in several submarkets. A selected CMA is represented in the form of several residential zones that reflect variations in the housing stock, income levels and distance from the Central Business District. On the demand side, model households are classified into one of ten groupings (reflecting age, family status and income earners) each having different preference schedules. These preference schedules are based on translog utility functions which compare housing consumption, after-tax income, leisure time and neighbourhood quality. On the supply side, a housing unit is characterized by the quantity of "housing services" (combination of size and quality) and the price per unit of service. Several different quality levels are distinguished to correspond to the many alternative quality submarkets in an actual housing market. Profit maximizing behaviour by the owners is assumed to imply linear supply curves (of varying slope for each type of housing unit) as an approximation of the price-quantity relations that govern the behaviour of owners over a ten year period. An unlimited volume of new construction is allowed at fixed unit prices, and in any size that provides a quantity of services greater than a defined minimum. The major inputs to the model are a CMA's set of supply and demand parameters, the 1971 decade-end demand profile and the 1961 decade-start market state. A model solution is an estimate of the market conditions at decade-end. The predicted market conditions are based on an assignment procedure which sets unit prices such that no household has incentives to relocate and owners have no incentive to provide an alternative quantity of "housing services". While the model is conceptually simple and assumes convenient forms for the household preferences and dwelling supply curves, it captures many aspects of housing markets important in distinguishing the impact of alternative subsidy policies. Policy alternatives may be introduced by simply adjusting the demand and/or supply functions to allow straightforward simulations of the necessary subsidy costs under alternative policy options. Eight CMAs were selected for the intervention cost study, reflecting a distribution with regard to geographical location, population and income growth during the 1961-71 decade. In implementing the model for a CMA the number of decade-end model households and dwellings is set at 100, reflecting a ratio of actual dwellings to model dwellings ranging from 287 to 3455 for the selected CMAs while the model parameters have been estimated alternatively from Census data or the 1974 Survey of Housing Units data. Certain parameters relating to neighbourhood externalities and the supply functions must be estimated by comparing model solutions with actual decadal performance. The computed costs of intervention derived from the simulations show a significant variation firstly in terms of the alternative forms of policy and secondly by CMA, reflecting the relative states of the existing housing stock. The most generous form of government support lies with an "income" policy wherein households are provided with sufficient income to consume the minimum quantity of housing by choice. The other end of the scale is represented by a "direct constrained" policy whereby households are forced to increase their housing standards, but the compensation level is only sufficient for them to achieve their prior level of overall satisfaction. The simulated difference in cost between these two alternatives is in the range of a factor of 10. That is, it could cost the government up to ten times more per annum to support housing standards via an "income" policy. The margin between the costs associated with the "income" policy and other alternative "direct product" oriented modes is in the range of a factor of 4 to 5. The results suggest that a general "direct product" oriented policy, tied directly to the change in the quantity of housing consumed (supplied) will cost less than one-third of the amount associated with a general "cash" policy. At present costs this margin corresponds to an additional amount in the region of six billion dollars per annum for Canada. / Applied Science, Faculty of / Community and Regional Planning (SCARP), School of / Graduate