This study set out to analyse the concept of the ʾcoloured communityʾ and to describe the linguistic phenomena associated with it. It was found that the community was characterized by division and an overt rejection of 'coloured' identity. A satisfactory definition of the community could only be arrived at by exploring social psychological and anthropological concepts, particularly that of the social network, and a covert identification was postulated. This in turn was used to explain the linguistic phenomena which were found to be associated with the community. The latter included a vernacular dialect consisting of non-standard Afrikaans blended with English, as well as a stratification of particular items in the English spoken by community members . This stratification was analysed in terms of the social distribution of the items, enabling comparisons to be made with the English spoken by ʾwhitesʾ. A fieldwork study was embarked on with the intention of discovering the nature of the perceptions of, and attitudes towards, the idiolects of certain speakers. These idiolects were considered to be typical and representative of the forms of English normally encountered in the Cape Peninsula, and were described in terms of the co-occurrences of linguistic items which they contained. Tape recordings of the speech of this group of speakers were presented in a series of controlled experiments to subjects from various class and community backgrounds who were required to respond by completing questionnaires. It was found that those lects which contained items and co-occurrences of items peculiar to 'coloured' speakers were associated with lower status than those containing items and co-occurrences of items peculiar to 'white' speakers. Attitudes towards speakers were found to be more complex and depended upon the styles and paralanguage behaviours of the speakers, as well as accent, and also the psychological dispositions of the subjects who participated

In his "Onderwys in Kaapland, 1652 - 1939", Dr. P.S. du Toit makes special references to the educational work of the Anglican Church, indicating that there is some contribution. This attitude has as its aim to expose more of the reef of which the outcrops receive attention by Dr. du Toit ... much can happen between 1807 and 1829, and some of what did is described in these pages. One of Dr. du Toit's interests is the effect of the attempt to make English and instruction in English the basis of all education. Chap. 1, p. 1.

James Erith, a freeholder of the country of Kent, was one of the “1820 Settlers" who emigrated to the Cape and were settled mainly in the Zuurveld in the present district of Albany. This investigation was prompted by the fact that though he was by no means the settler to suffer misfortune and injustice, he was the only proprietor of a small party who eventually secured compensation. The case was the case of James Erith but the initiative and persistence was that of his wife, Jane Erith, who made in all five voyages spread over twelve years, before she secured some at least of the ends she sought and the family settled in Cape Town. The Eriths fought their case with the respective Colonial Offices for twelve years in all, and in the case of the Colonial Office, London, confronted no less than four Secretaries of State in five successive Cabinets. In the course of their struggle the Eriths received (a) the balance of their deposit; (b) cash compensation for cattle stolen by the Xhosa, and in the fina1 arbitration in 1832 the sum of £500 cash. James Erith, master baker, remains a rather shadowy figure, sharp-sighted to his own interest, querulous and not very effective. The triumph of 1832 was in the main the triumph of Jane, his wife, an amateur and robust Portia. Shrewd, tenacious, deft in argument this importunate woman knew how to stand her ground; there can have been few women who secured passage on a naval vessel and then allowed the Admiralty to submit its account to the Colonial Office. How the Eriths subsisted between their eviction from Waaye Plaats in 1823 and the arbitration award of 1832, has not been established. On occasion in London Mrs. Erith stayed with the Rev. R. Stewarts, Rutland House, Black Heath Road in Greenwich: in Cape Town it is believed that Erith plied his old trade. When he died there, in 1869 at the age of seventy nine, he left a house and three cottages to his daughter Ellen: mortgaged property in the district of Caledon, to his son-in-law George Budge : a house and three mortgaged properties in Simon’s Town to his daughter Anne Budge. He left an income of £24 per annum to his daughter Jane Moodie, widow of the late John Powell. The records used in this study, in addition to those printed in Theal, were the series C.O. 48 from the Public Record Office, London, now available on microfilm in the Cory Library at Rhodes University and records of the District of Albany in the Archives, Cape Town. The investigation has, it is thought, thrown new light on the background to the emigration scheme of 1819, on the mishandling of the Settlers in the Zuurveld after their arrival in the Cape, and on the punctilious attention to detail given by the Colonial Office, London. While it is true that the interests of the Eriths were probably smothered in the Tory endeavour to damp down the attack on Somerset in l826-1827, the Secretaries of State are by no means discredited by this analysis. It sasys much for any pattern of administration that in the thick of the Reform Bill crisis, the efforts of a single obscure member of Parliament, Mr. J O Briscoe, could secure a final arbitration award.

A plug-like intrusion of Karroo dolerite, near Dordrecht in the Eastern Cape of the Republic, is described. Field mapping with the, aid of aerial photographs has revealed that the contact of the intrusion, for the most part, dips very steeply outwards. In the south- eastern and eastern areas, however, sheet- or sill-like forms appear to be given off from the main intrusion. In plan view the intrusion is roughly oval shaped, its longer axis being aligned in a north-westerly direction. Its surface area measures approximately 60 square kilometres (24 square miles). A large number of xenoliths composed exclusively of Stormberg sediments, pyroclastic rocks and minor lavas, are to be found cropping out within the dolerite intrusion. These xenoliths, many of which occur in positions far above or below their normal stratigraphic elevation, are extremely variable in size - the largest having an area of approximately 15 square kilometres (6 square miles). The xenoliths represent fragments of the original "roof" of sediments and pyroclastics which have collapsed into and been engulfed by the dolerite magma. This type of dolerite intrusion is known as a "belljar" intrusion. A superficial classification of the dolerites, based chiefly on textural and certain mineralogical features, is presented. In the area surrounding the main intrusion are a number of dolerite dikes and sheets. The youngest phase of igneous activity is represented by the Dragon's Back dike, which cuts across the complex in a north-westerly direction. Several veining phenomena, as well as an interesting variety of metamorphic and metasomatic rocks, are associated with the main dolerite intrusion. Six diatremes are situated in the vicinity of the intrusion. Pyroclastic rocks are represented by a variety of types, and are to be found outside the area of the intrusion, and as xenoliths within it. A tentative interpretation of the mechanism of formation of the intrusion, which appears to be related to volcanic activity and cauldron subsidence, is presented.

From Preface: Although Alfred Marshall's definition of economics has been criticised for its allegedly narrow conception of the subject, it is sometimes overlooked that he considered the study of wealth but one side of the matter. To Marshall, the other and "more important" side of economics was that it also forms "a part of the study of man". The basic thought which underlies the present study is a similar one, namely, that economics is not only concerned with goods and service, but also with men and human action. It is spatially confined to an analysis of the human resources in a region consisting of 21 magisterial districts in the Eastern Cape Province, which cover an area of 72, 462 square kilometres, collectively described here as the Cape Midlands.

Bibliography: pages 164-177. / This dissertation is primarily concerned with the functioning of the law in the Cape Colony in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries as it pertained to slaves and masters (and to a lesser extent Khoi servants). It examines the operation of the law in one particular rural district, namely, Stellenbosch in the years c.1760-1820. The chief primary sources include criminal -- and on a smaller scale civil -- records of the local and central courts of the colony. Travellers' accounts have also been utilised. The study of one particular rural district reveals the extent to which the law was intricately woven into the fabric of the settler 'community'. Despite differentials of wealth, the settlers in Stellenbosch district were essentially part of a community of slaveholders. The contours of the settler community fundamentally influenced every step of the legal process. Members of the settler community were in a situation of face-to-face interaction. This meant that often, in conflicts between settlers, recourse to the law was seen as a last resort and mo.re emphasis was placed on the maintenance of personal social relationships. However, this community, of which a landed elite stood in the forefront, had discordant features and domination of the poor by the rich did not go without any struggle. The features of the settler community also fundamentally influenced the position of slaves in the law. Access to the courts for the slaves for complaints against their masters was very significantly determined by conflicts which existed amongst slaveholders. In court the extent of solidarity amongst members of the community could ultimately determine the chances of success for slaves. Another way in which concerns of community influenced the legal process was by the importance which was attached to the reputations of individual slaveowners. Often such concerns overrode strictly legal ones. Even in determining the severity of sentences in criminal cases reputations of individuals were of primary importance. The VOC not only served to bolster the authority of slaveowners but also to keep the wider society in control. Therefore, it could not allow slaveholder tyranny over their labourers to go unchecked. Moreover, the legal system had to be more than simply an instrument in the hands of the master class. At the local level, the VOC could be seen to be acting in the interests of the wider society by listening to the complaints of slaves and prosecuting individual masters. Roman common law, as opposed to statutory law, was the law most commonly used in criminal cases involving slaves. This had two important implications. Firstly, Roman law did not deny the slave any personality and prosecutors constantly reminded slaveowners that slaves were persons. Secondly, Roman law had an apparent universality in that its dictates were made applicable to all in society. These factors combined to make the law perform a hegemonic function.

Bibliography: pages 107-117. / The following thesis focuses on the relationship between archaeologists, museologists and the broader community, in terms of educational programmes. It consists of a case-study comprising an educational project based on theoretical ideas of People's Archaeology as influenced by theories of Freirean education. The process of the educational project is illustrated through the description of interviews and workshops. The case-study indicates that there is a gap between academic and community percpetions of the role of archaeology and museums. Results from interpretations indicate that much more research emphasising the constitution, situation and perceptions of specific communities, especially those which have previously been marginalised by broader society, is needed in order to improve the educational services which museums and archaeologists offer to the community.

No description available.

Hahlo and Khan have aptly described South African law as a ‘three-layered cake’. This dissertation is not so much concerned with the ingredients of the cake, but with the Cape Supreme Court which was used to ‘bake’ the third layer, and the judges who were employed to supervise the task. However, in order t wet the appetites of the legal gourmets, an attempt has been made to analyse the ingredient of judicial precedent, and to serve it up in the form of ‘icing’.

Thesis (MTh)--Stellenbosch University, 2001 / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Violent crime in South Africa in general and on the Cape Flats in particular, is a very complex phenomenon. This phenomenon has various historical, sociopolitical and economic roots. Furthermore, violent crime has a direct as well as indirect impact on the functioning of faith communities within societies. Congregations and churches do not function in isolation from the rest of society. Theology, and more specifically pastoral care, must be seriously concerned with the problems experienced by the community at large. A pastoral strategy should therefore move away from a spirituality that only focus on the impact of violence on individuals and families. Because violent crime is a systemic phenomenon, a socio-systemic approach should be followed, in which the impact of violent crime on faith communities should be analyzed in order to create a holistic model. In Chapter 1 we look at the reasons for violence. We focus on the appearance of crime, the relationship between aggression and crime. Different types of aggression as well as some underlying causes of aggression are discussed. In Chapter 2 we focus on crime as a national phenomenon. Certain historical roots of the current "culture of violence" are discussed. We also look at the impact of the political transition since 1990 on the socio-economic and moral situation in the country. In Chapter 3 we take a closer look at the situation on the Cape Flats. Particular attention is given to the issue of gangsterism, which in a certain sense has become synonymous with the Cape Peninsula. In Chapter 4 the trauma of violent crime on communities is the focus of discussion. Results of a victim survey in Cape Town are utilized. Violence against women and children enjoy special attention. The effect of violent crime on faith communities is highlighted. In the last chapter we try to put forward some guidelines for a theory of practice for the pastoral care of people living on the Cape Flats, using traditional-historic and current resources. We propose a holistic model with a systemic approach. We choose a theory of practice based upon an eco-hermeneutic model, which implies the following: The interpretation of the salvation of God to people (hermeneutic) within the reality (existence) of their daily lives (systemic). We indicate a few areas for long term, preventative building up and healing intervention and conclude with the results of this research. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Geweldsmisdaad in Suid-Afrika in die algemeen en op die Kaapse Vlakte in besonder, is 'n uiters komplekse fenomeen, waarvan die wortels gesoek moet word in verskeie historiese, sosio-politieke en ekonomiese oorsake. Hierdie geweldsmisdaad het In direkte en indirekte impak op die funksionering van geloofsgemeenskappe binne die samelewing. Gemeentes en kerke funksioneer nie in isolasie van die res van die samelewing nie en daarom behoort teologie en die pastoraat in besonder, erns te maak met die probleme waarmee die breer gemeenskap worstel. In Pastorale strategie behoort dus weg te beweeg van In spiritualiteit wat fokus bloot op die impak van geweld op individue en gesinne. Omdat geweldsmisaad In sistemiese verskynsel is, behoort In sosio-sistemiese benadering gevolg te word waarbinne die impak van geweldsmisdaad op geloofsgemeenskappe kontekstueel ontleed word ten einde In holistiese model te ontwerp. In Hoofstuk 1 word daar gekyk na oorsake van geweld. Ons kyk na die voorkoms van misdaad, die verband tussen aggressie en geweld. Verskillende tipes aggressie sowel as onderliggende oorsake vir aggressie word bespreek. In Hoofstuk 2 word daar gefokus op geweld as nasionale fenomeen. 8epaalde historiese wortels van die huidige "kultuur van geweld" word bespreek. Daar word veral gekyk na die impak van die politieke transisie sedert 1990 op die sosioekonomiese en morele toestand in die land. In Hoofstuk 3 word die situasie op die Kaapse Vlakte van nader beskou. Die verskynsel van bendegeweld wat in 'n sekere sin al so sinoniem met die Kaapse Skiereiland geword het, kry besondere aandag. In Hoofstuk 4 word die trauma van geweldsmisdaad op gemeenskappe bespreek. Resultate van 'n opname onder slagoffers van misdaad in Kaapstad word as uitgangspunt gebruik. Geweld teen vroue en kinders geniet spesiale aandag. Die effek hiervan op die funksionering van geloofsgemeenskappe word uitgelig. In die laaste hoofstuk word gepoog om vanuit die tradisioneel-historiese sowel as hedendaagse bronne tot ons beskikking riglyne vir 'n moontlike praktykteorie vir die pastorale begeleiding van lidmate binne hierdie gemeenskappe op die Kaapse Vlakte daar te stel. 'n Holistiese model wat sistemies te werk gaan, word voorgestel. Die keuse vir In praktykteorie gebou op In eko-hermeneutiese model word gemaak, wat neerkom op: Die vertolking van God se heil aan mense (hermeneuties) binne die totale werklikheid van hule daaglikse bestaan (ekosistemies). In Paar areas vir langtermyn, preventatiewe opbou en ehelende intervensie word voorgestel en die navorsingsbevindinge van hierdie studie word aangedui.