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In this study similarities and differences in health experiences among urban poor in relation to the forms of capital they possess: economic, social, cultural, and health capital and the different positions they hold in the urban field, are analyzed. The research was conducted in two poor gecekondu neighborhoods in Altindag, Baraj and G&uuml / ltepe, via face to face interviews with 40 individuals. A main finding has been that the different forms of capital, in volume as well as in composition, had an influence on the urban poor&rsquo / s health perceptions, health care access, health seeking strategies and experiences in health institutions. The rural-urban migrants refer to a habitus in relation to health which still strongly relies on their rural practices. Major differences among men and women have been observed, where men seem to be more open to integrate into the urban dispositions. Economic capital plays a crucial role. Regular income earners do tend to emphasize that they have a certain autonomy and control over their health. On the other hand, benefit dependent poor mention that they have less control over their health. Economic capital can be seen as very much the same among the group studied, but the differences in health experiences rely strongly on Cultural capital is understood as their different identities: villager/non-villager / illiterate/ non-illiterate / women/men / healthy/non-healthy. Social capital (formal and informal solidarity networks) is studied as the role in health experiences, access to health care and strategies to use the existing health system / as well as how individuals support each other materially and immaterially. Social capital is important because it converts into economic capital, not as exchange but as use value. An analysis of the different forms of capital allows us to address at the interrelationship of structural conditions in the field and the practices actors experience through their internalized habitus. Health experiences therefore differ even among a socio-economic homogenous group. In addition to the above mentioned forms of capital, it is also argued that health itself should be considered as a form of capital. Health capital (self perceived health/illness and medically diagnosed disease) influences and is influenced by the other forms of capital.

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Oportunidades is a Conditional Cash Transfer (CCT) that uses a proxy means-test targeting model to select eligible households for the programme. According to the Income and Expenditure Household Survey of 2008, approximately two in every three eligible rural households participate in Oportunidades, whereas only one in every three eligible urban households receives the Oportunidades cash transfer. This research explores the factors behind this lack of take-up, the costs of participation and the implications of targeting inefficiency on the programme’s impact on income poverty. It argues that a sample selection model is a pertinent tool of analysis as it informs on the distribution of cash transfers conditional on household eligibility. This conditional distribution is also used to understand the costs of participation as a latent variable. Eligible households are less likely to invest in human capital and neither the cash transfer nor the income forgone by children and teenagers are sufficient to overcome these costs of participation. By identifying a method to quantify behavioural change of households, I associate the costs of participation to the difficulties of inducing health-related behavioural change among recipients and eligible non-recipients. At an aggregate state level, targeting inefficiency is not fully explained by only looking at the budget constraints of the programme. In fact, targeting efficiency is positively associated to aggregate behavioural change and negatively associated to aggregate costs for participation at state level. Yet, targeting efficiency does not guarantee impact on income poverty and Oportunidades’ highest impact on income poverty also associated with the inclusion of non-eligible households in the programme. This research reconsiders the importance of the context in which CCTs are implemented and informs on the conflicting aims of CCTs: providing income poverty relief via cash transfers and incentivizing behavioural change by conditioning the cash transfer in health and education investment.

Submitted by William Justo Figueiro (williamjf) on 2015-07-27T22:36:40Z No. of bitstreams: 1 15d.pdf: 398064 bytes, checksum: 31250ac09aee9b67af4ca327611932b0 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-07-27T22:36:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 15d.pdf: 398064 bytes, checksum: 31250ac09aee9b67af4ca327611932b0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014 / Nenhuma / Este trabalho pretende evidenciar alguns dos benefícios relativos à prática sistemática de atividade física. Desde a melhora na saúde do indivíduo, a diminuição dos gastos das firmas e do Estado com doenças associadas à inatividade, a melhoria do Capital Humano e a eventual melhor colocação dos não sedentários no mercado de trabalho até o provável acréscimo percebido nos salários dos indivíduos fisicamente ativos, pretendendo ser um trabalho original no que diz respeito ao uso de dados nacionais e um possível argumento a favor de decisões públicas e privadas no que diz respeito à adoção de práticas de atividades físicas regulares. / This paper aims to highlight some of the benefits related to the systematic practice of physical activity. Since the improvement in the health of the individual, the decrease in expenditures of firms and the state with diseases associated with inactivity, improving Human Capital and the best possible placement of non-sedentary labor market to the likely increase in the salaries of individuals perceived physically assets, purporting to be an original work with regard to the use of national data, and a possible argument for public and private decisions regarding the adoption of practices of regular physical activity.This work pretends to evidency