Five long-run average cost curves were derived from questionnaire and interview data by connecting points corresponding to the per unit production costs and levels of beef output for four cattle ranch sizes (50, 150, 300, and 500 head of breeding cows). Analysis of the long-run average cost curves in combination with the 1968 weighted Utah beef price revealed that all four ranch sizes studied are capable of meeting cash costs. If the goal of the ranch operator is to meet both cash costs and depreciation, a cattle ranch supporting 105 breeding cows is the minimum size necessary. If provision is made to cover cash costs and depreciation in addition to receiving a fair return for operator and family labor, the ranch must support at least 360 breeding cows. None of the four ranch sizes studied were capable of meeting all production costs including five per cent interest on investment. The minimum ranch size necessary to cover all production costs including 1 . 4 per cent interest on investment is 500 head of breeding cows. Farmer questionnaires and the machine capacity technique provided data from which five long-run average cost curves were derived by connecting points representing average production costs and levels of wheat output for four sizes of wheat farms (500, 1000, 2000, and 3000 acres). The long-run average cost curves were analyzed in combination with the 1968 Utah wheat price. All four wheat farm sizes studied are capable of meeting cash costs. In order to cover both cash costs and depreciation a wheat farm of at least 940 acres is required. The minimum wheat farm size necessary to meet cash costs and depreciation as well as provide a fair return to operator and family labor is 2430 acres. None of the four sizes of wheat farms studied was large enough to cover all costs including interest on investment at five per cent. In order to cover all production costs including 0,64 per cent interest on investment a wheat farm of at least 3000 acres is required, Costs and returns to five management alternatives for marginal Utah cropland ( (1) wheat production by owner-operator, (2) leasing crop.. land to tenants for dryland wheat production, (3) leasing forage on an AUM basis, (4) leasing of forage on a livestock gain basis, and (5) stocker cattle production by the land owner) were compared in the shortrun, in the long-run assuming that all inputs were variable, and in the long-run assuming that land and operator and family labor were fixed, For the marginal cropland owner who also owns wheat production factors, wheat production on an owner-operator basis is the most favorable short-run alternative. Wheat production on a tenant basis is the only short-run alternative open to cropland owners who own neither wheat production factors nor the improvements necessary for grazing enterprises. Leasing forage on a livestock gain basis is the most favorable short-run alternative for cropland owners whose holdings are equipped with grazing improvements. For the long-run situation in which all inputs were considered variable, all five management alternatives yielded negative returns. Under such conditions a rational land owner would refuse to choose from among the five alternatives studied and would instead liquidate his land holdings. When operator and family labor and land were considered fixed, leasing cropland to tenants for dryland wheat production proved to be the most favorable long-run management alternative. Showing the second highest internal rate of return was leasing forage on a livestock gain basis followed ~ stocker cattle production by the land owner. Wheat production ~ the land owner and leasing forage on an AUM basis proved to be the least favorable long-run management alternatives on marginal cropland.

The state of Utah is comprised of 52.7 million acres of land of which 86 percent is covered by range vegetation. This rangeland provides part or all of the feed for approximately 430,000 head of cattle and 1,300,000 sheep. Rangeland products constitute from 33 to 40 percent of the agriculture income within the Intermountain Region. Utah's vast rangeland area represents a basic resource of considerable importance to her economy.

The high feed grain prices of the last few years and the resulting high prices for heavy feeder cattle relative to lightweight feeder calves may provide economic incentives to market cattle from rangelands as yearlings. A majority of the economic studies investigating the profitability of retained ownership of beef calves to sell as yearlings have used a budgeting technique to compare a straight cow-yearling operation retaining all calves, to a straight cow-calf operation selling all calves. In this study linear programming was used to develop an optimum combination of various livestock marketing alternatives for maximizing net ranch income. Two typical Utah ranch sizes (150 and 300 head of brood cows) were modeled and optimum range livestock marketing schemes were developed using linear programming analysis. Based on average Utah cattle prices for 1970-1975 the optimum range livestock management alternatives for both ranch sizes in terms of maximizing net ranch income was to reduce the cow herd 25 percent and use the released feed resources to retain all steer calves for sale as yearlings. Retention of heifer calves was not profitable a nd they were sold a t weaning . Net ranch income for the optimum strategy was only slightly higher than the income of the base cow-calf ope ration for the small ranch. The large ranch showed a larger gal.n in net ranch income from retention of yearlings . The capital requirement of the optimum strategies was three to five percent less than for the base cow-calf operations. A reduction in the size of the breeding herd to accommodate retained yearlings would result in a r eduction in the number of feeder livestock marketed. Potential decreases in U. S. beef production f rom 1 to 4 percent were estimated if 25-100 percent of the ranchers in the 11 western states adopted the optimum management alternative. These reductions would result in an increase in the price of beef in the U. S. of 1 to 6 percent.

Submitted by Caroline Falcao (caroline.rfalcao@ufpe.br) on 2017-06-08T18:43:21Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 811 bytes, checksum: e39d27027a6cc9cb039ad269a5db8e34 (MD5) 2012-dissertacao-RomuloNegreiros.pdf.pdf: 9896120 bytes, checksum: a0d2f12b089f032b887c8d43db46ad4f (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-08T18:43:22Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 811 bytes, checksum: e39d27027a6cc9cb039ad269a5db8e34 (MD5) 2012-dissertacao-RomuloNegreiros.pdf.pdf: 9896120 bytes, checksum: a0d2f12b089f032b887c8d43db46ad4f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-04-29 / O Sertão das Pimenteiras, último reduto “não civilizado”da Capitania do Piauí, foi, entre os anos 1769 e 1815, palco de conflitos entre os índios Pimenteira e os colonizadores. Os colonos almejavam ocupar essas terras principalmente para dar continuidade à expansão da indústria agro-pastoril no interior da América Portuguesa. Os índios, por longos tempos habitantes efetivos desse sertão, foram para os colonos um empecilho para a ocupação da área. Os Pimenteira atacavam constantemente as fazendas degado, matando e afugentando seus moradores. Levantamos a hipótese de que a motivação dos índios para atacarem as fazendasseria, principalmente, visando proteger e controlar o território e os seus recursos. Partindo da relação espacial que os assentamentos indígenas mantinham com as fazendas de gado atacadas, objetivávamos entender como se configuraram as territorialidades deambos os grupos no sudeste da Capitania do Piauí durante a guerra da conquista O georeferenciamento dos assentamentos de ambos os grupos foi resultado da aplicação de métodos de reconhecimento arqueológico de território no sudeste do Piauí, como o levantamento documental, prospecção de superfície, imagens de satélite e informações orais coletadas nas comunidades. Ao todo foram reconhecidos e identificados dois assentamentos indígenas e onze fazendas de gado. A produção de mapas com a distribuição espacial dos sítios permitiu a realização das análises. Nossos dados mostram que os ataques dos índios ao longo da guerra promoviam sistematicamente a desocupação colonial da região. O mesmo aconteceu do lado dos colonos, vencedores da guerra. Como resultado dessa vitória militar, os índios foram assimilados ao sistema econômico capitalista e o seu território tomado. / The Sertão das Pimenteiras, the last “uncivilized”strongholdof the Captaincyof Piauí, during the years1769and 1815, it was the scene of constant conflicts betweenthe Pimenteira Indiansand the colonizers. The colonizerswished tooccupy theselandsmainlyto carry on theexpansion ofagro-pastoralists in the interiorof Portuguese America. The Indians, for a longtimeresidentsofinteriortroopswere,for the colonizers,a hamper to theoccupation of the area. ThePimenteiraconstantlyattackedcattle farms, killing and driving awaytheir inhabitants. Taking the assumption that the motivationof the Indiansto attackthe farmswould beprimarilyto protect andcontrol both their territoryand resources. Based on thespatial relationshipthatindigenous settlementssubsisted oncattle farmsattacked,we tried to understand how theyshaped theterritorialityof both groupsin southeasternPiauíCaptaincyduringthe warof conquest.The georeferencingof the settlements inboth groupswas the resultof applyingrecognition methodsofarchaeologicalterritoryin southeasternPiauí, as thedocumentary survey, surfaceexploration, satellite images andoral informationcollectedin the communities. As result, werecognizedand identifiedtwonative settlementsand elevencattle ranches. The production ofmaps showingthe spatial distributionof sitesallowedus to perform the analyzes. Our data showthat the attacksof the Indiansthroughout the warsystematicallypromotedthecolonialevictionsof the region. The samehappenedon the sideof the colonists, who won the war.As a result ofmilitary victory, the Indianswereassimilated into thecapitalist economic systemand their territory wastaken.

Esta dissertação estuda a urbanização do sertão nordestino entre os séculos XVII e XIX, vinculada ao diálogo que chamamos de curral de reses e curral de almas. Curral de reses tece as questões do fenômeno urbano no interior do Nordeste açucareiro, no que dizia respeito ao papel exercido pela pecuária extensiva no povoamento, na posse da terra e no desenvolvimento de aglomerados urbanos criados ao longo dos caminhos elaborados pelo gado. As reses tangidas do litoral devassaram o hinterland nordestino, criando aqui, ali e além caminhos, desmistificando o desconhecido. Posteriormente, essas trilhas foram usadas pelas autoridades coloniais e clericais para erguer aldeamentos missioneiros - currais de almas -, visando o bem material e espiritual da Igreja e da Ordem de Cristo e a conversão dos nativos. Curral de almas busca esclarecer a ação da Igreja Católica, unida ao Estado português, no que cerce a fixação e congregação tanto do índio tapuia como dos sertanejos nômades (que \"vadiavam\" pelo território), primeiramente em aldeamentos missioneiros, depois em núcleos urbanos estrategicamente locados no território. Focalizamos o trabalho missionário dos jesuítas, capuchinhos e oratorianos na elaboração de reduções religiosas principiadas a partir da segunda metade do século XVII. Selecionamos a cidade pombalina de Oeiras (PI) e as vilas de índios Monte - Mor o Novo da América (CE) e Crato (CE) como estudos de caso, no intuito de analisar a influência da pecuária, dos caminhos do gado, das determinações provenientes de Lisboa e do papel eclesiástico da igreja em seus traçados intraurbanos. / This dissertation analyzes the urbanization process in the Brazilian northeastern hinterland between the 17th and the 18th centuries as connected to the so called Curral de Reses (Cattle Corral) and Curral de Almas (Souls\' Corral). Curral de Reses (Cattle Corral) investigates the several aspects of urbanization in the sugar-producing Northeast, relating it to the role of extensive cattle ranges in the process of population growth, to the land ownership and to the development of hamlets alongside the herding trails. The herds pushed from the coast, broke through the Brazilian northeasterner hinterland, creating hither, thither and yonder new pathways, therefore demystifying the unknown. Later in time, these trails were used by colonial and clerical authorities to start missionary settlements - \"Currais de Almas\" (Souls\' Corrals)- that aimed at the material and spiritual welfare of the Church and the Order of Christ and the conversion of the native peoples. \"Curral de Almas\" investigates the activity of the Catholic Church associated to the portuguese government as the \"Tapuia \" native people and the itinerant cowboys (who \"bummed\" around the land) settled and congregated at first in missions and later in strategically located urban centers. Another focal point has been the investigation of the missionary work of Jesuit and Capuchin friars as well as \"The Congragation of the Oratory\" in the construction of religious settlements as early as the second half of the 17th century. The town of \"Oeiras\" (PI) -created by the Marquis of Pombal- and the Indian villages \"Monte-Mor o Novo da América\" (CE) and \"Crato\"(CE) were selected as case studies, attempting to analyze the influence of cattle industry, herding trails, determinations from Lisbon and the church in the planning of the urban center.

Esta dissertação estuda a urbanização do sertão nordestino entre os séculos XVII e XIX, vinculada ao diálogo que chamamos de curral de reses e curral de almas. Curral de reses tece as questões do fenômeno urbano no interior do Nordeste açucareiro, no que dizia respeito ao papel exercido pela pecuária extensiva no povoamento, na posse da terra e no desenvolvimento de aglomerados urbanos criados ao longo dos caminhos elaborados pelo gado. As reses tangidas do litoral devassaram o hinterland nordestino, criando aqui, ali e além caminhos, desmistificando o desconhecido. Posteriormente, essas trilhas foram usadas pelas autoridades coloniais e clericais para erguer aldeamentos missioneiros - currais de almas -, visando o bem material e espiritual da Igreja e da Ordem de Cristo e a conversão dos nativos. Curral de almas busca esclarecer a ação da Igreja Católica, unida ao Estado português, no que cerce a fixação e congregação tanto do índio tapuia como dos sertanejos nômades (que \"vadiavam\" pelo território), primeiramente em aldeamentos missioneiros, depois em núcleos urbanos estrategicamente locados no território. Focalizamos o trabalho missionário dos jesuítas, capuchinhos e oratorianos na elaboração de reduções religiosas principiadas a partir da segunda metade do século XVII. Selecionamos a cidade pombalina de Oeiras (PI) e as vilas de índios Monte - Mor o Novo da América (CE) e Crato (CE) como estudos de caso, no intuito de analisar a influência da pecuária, dos caminhos do gado, das determinações provenientes de Lisboa e do papel eclesiástico da igreja em seus traçados intraurbanos. / This dissertation analyzes the urbanization process in the Brazilian northeastern hinterland between the 17th and the 18th centuries as connected to the so called Curral de Reses (Cattle Corral) and Curral de Almas (Souls\' Corral). Curral de Reses (Cattle Corral) investigates the several aspects of urbanization in the sugar-producing Northeast, relating it to the role of extensive cattle ranges in the process of population growth, to the land ownership and to the development of hamlets alongside the herding trails. The herds pushed from the coast, broke through the Brazilian northeasterner hinterland, creating hither, thither and yonder new pathways, therefore demystifying the unknown. Later in time, these trails were used by colonial and clerical authorities to start missionary settlements - \"Currais de Almas\" (Souls\' Corrals)- that aimed at the material and spiritual welfare of the Church and the Order of Christ and the conversion of the native peoples. \"Curral de Almas\" investigates the activity of the Catholic Church associated to the portuguese government as the \"Tapuia \" native people and the itinerant cowboys (who \"bummed\" around the land) settled and congregated at first in missions and later in strategically located urban centers. Another focal point has been the investigation of the missionary work of Jesuit and Capuchin friars as well as \"The Congragation of the Oratory\" in the construction of religious settlements as early as the second half of the 17th century. The town of \"Oeiras\" (PI) -created by the Marquis of Pombal- and the Indian villages \"Monte-Mor o Novo da América\" (CE) and \"Crato\"(CE) were selected as case studies, attempting to analyze the influence of cattle industry, herding trails, determinations from Lisbon and the church in the planning of the urban center.