Thesis (M.A.)--Denver Seminary, 2000. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 97-101).

Thesis (doctoral)--Universität Leipzig, 1911. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. [vii]-ix).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1968. / Typescript. Vita. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1975. / Typescript. Vita. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 337-357).

Thesis (M.A.)--Denver Seminary, 2000. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 97-101).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1967. / Typescript. Vita. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 604-638).

No description available.

Jack Valenti, then President of the Motion Picture Association of America (MPAA), formally announced the commencement of a new Motion Picture Code and Rating Program on November 1, 1968; a mode of industry self-regulation designed to replace the, by then discredited, Production Code. Despite the Program's intended role in providing freedom of choice, censorship has persisted after 1968. Censorship is defined here as the efforts by some to restrict the viewing options of others, for reasons of personal morality, commercial self-interest or ideological necessity. American moviegoers and other consumers of American cinematic culture have, paradoxically, been freed from choice. The availability of 24/7 porn on cable television and the undoubted explosion of explicit violence in mainstream cinema after 1968 are superficial distractions from the homogenising effects of both the pressure to make movies that can be screened to large predominantly teenage audiences and the pressures not to upset vocal pressure groups. In extending and mapping out the territory of the consumer the industry has, both in the types of movie on offer and in the mode of regulation chosen, effectively curtailed the space for the citizen to ask more demanding questions either about movie content or about the benefits of allowing a small number of media conglomerates to construct the viewing menu. The Program remains in place but its efficacy has been widely questioned. The thesis breaks the development of the Program into three phases organised around Richard Heffner's operation of the Program between 1974 and 1994. In the early years, despite the self-styled liberalism of the New Hollywood renaissance, both ideological and commercial constraints were applied to content. Only after Heffner's arrival in 1974 did the Program begin to function as Valenti had originally envisaged. However, the slow emergence of narrowcasting and the expansion of conglomerate ownership ensured the continuance of commercial self-censorship. These changes found maturation in a third phase of the Program's operation, after 1994. The research considers evidence of commercially motivated self-censorship as well as evidence of politically motivated censorship. The cumulative effect of industry change has been a commodification of entertainment- a denial of any interest other than that of the consumer- and the privatisation of a key part of the process of setting cultural norms. The thesis considers the risks for a functioning democracy posed by the emergence of a global entertainment complex that has an overwhelming economic interest in shaping the 'marketplace of ideas'.

I investigate Rousseau's formulation of how the people and their government act as sources of civic education and censorship. I define censorship broadly to include all institutionally or publicly enforced moral or policy views. Using Rousseau's Letter to M. d'Alembert as a starting point, I examine the way in which public morals and opinions structure political discourse, determining the influence of laws and the limits of institutions. I argue that while law can force the people to tacitly conform by threat of punishment, it cannot compel the people's will. Unlike classic liberal approaches that separate morality and law, Rousseau emphasizes a reciprocal influence between them, and contends that their relegation to separate spheres enervates the laws and further distances the people from legislation. Public opinion and its product, morals, resist attempts at government censorship, but themselves demand compliance. As a result, Rousseau argues, social and political freedom necessitate a certain uniformity of public opinion and law. That uniformity, however, requires a civic education reinforced by both an institutional and public form of censorship. In addition to a more general civic education, reason and conscience, two key intellectual and psychological traits, require cultivation and proper direction, resulting in the individual's identification with and concern for their fellow citizens' well-being. Overall, my work explores the extent of Rousseau's formulation and the limits of its application to ancient, modern, and contemporary politics.

The primary purpose of this study was to compare the opinions of community college administrators, art faculty members, and art students concerning institutional options and policy alternatives for the exhibition of controversial student art work in the community colleges of Maryland. The research questions addressed the concept of academic freedom, the principle of institutional neutrality, and the context of the presentation. Three community colleges were selected for the study. Data were collected in two stages. Information gathered in the first stage of this project was used to collect data during the second stage. In phase one the researcher went to the three schools and conducted individual interviews to determine the perceived facts surrounding a controversial art incident. The researcher recorded what the participants thought were the issues that contributed to the controversy, what principles they thought were employed in the solution, and reactions to how it was handled. The researcher prepared a brief and objective case study of each incident. Phase two of this project involved the researcher taking the case studies back to the three sites for group interviews. There were three group interviews conducted at each of the three community colleges. One group was made up of two administrators, another group included two or three arts faculty members, and the third group involved four or more art students. Each group was asked to respond to questions stemming from the research areas of academic freedom, institutional neutrality, and context of the presentation. Each group was asked to comment regarding the issues, the administrative response, and concerns in the three case studies. Each group was asked to chose a policy from a list of three options for covering controversial student art exhibits. The results show different opinions exist between administrators, art faculty, and art students concerning academic freedom, institutional neutrality, and the exhibition of controversial student art. It is important to note however, the opinions do not divide precisely along administrator, faculty, and student classification lines. Most of the participants selected the policy which provided for group discussion during any controversy over student art. There is a need for educational institutions to become proactive in this area. / Ed. D.