This thesis will critically analyse Australia’s censorship laws with a specific focus on the regulation of pornography distributed via the internet, a means of mass production and distribution of pornography. It will be argued that Australia’s current censorship laws are deficient because their focus is morality based. A morality based approach does not take into account what pornography is and does; in particular, the sex equality harms to real women and the inequality within society caused by pornography. This thesis will argue that the current censorship regime is an ineffective means of regulating internet pornography because it fails to address the complexities of internet regulation and the selling and marketing of sexual inequality online. This thesis will also argue that these censorship laws have had little or no impact in reducing the availability of pornography distributed via the internet. This thesis argues that a civil rights/equal opportunity approach to pornographic harm, as proposed by the anti-pornography civil rights ordinance drafted by American feminists Catharine MacKinnon and Andrea Dworkin (“the ordinance”), should be adopted into Australian law. The ordinance will be examined with a particular focus on how it can be amended and incorporated into Australian equal opportunity legislation in order to more effectively regulate the distribution of pornography via the internet in a manner that addresses the harms to social inequality caused by pornography.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1966. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Bibliography: l. 55-56.

Orientador: Carlos Eduardo Mendes Moraes / Banca: Odilon Helou Fleury Curado / Banca: Anelito Pereira de Oliveira / Resumo: O presente trabalho teve como objetivo realizar um estudo dos parâmetros ideológicos e formais - tratados como censura(s) - e que orientaram as práticas letradas da Academia Brasílica dos Esquecidos, primeira agremiação histórico-literária do Brasil, fundada na Bahia em 1724 pelo Vice-Rei Vasco Fernandes César de Meneses. Para tanto, fez-se, no primeiro capítulo, um estudo do contexto sócio-histórico da academia, que remonta à Contrarreforma e suas peculiaridades, no que tange à "política católica" praticada pela Coroa Portuguesa. Constatou-se que o letrado deveria ter uma postura adequada para pertencer à ABE. Essa postura deveria ser pautada pelo conjunto de virtudes para se atingir o bem supremo, apontadas por Aristóteles em sua Arte Retórica, a fim de que, norteado pela prudência, requisito imprescindível para o bom sucesso do homem arguto, pudesse integrar essa subcorte (que assim foi considerada na pesquisa por representar a ascensão ao poder pelo saber). No segundo capítulo, realizou-se um levantamento dos poemas coletados no Instituto de Estudos Brasileiros da USP, em forma de edição mecânica, a fim de se estabelecerem os critérios adotados pelo Secretário da Academia, José da Cunha Cardoso, para a aprovação da divulgação das ideias da Academia, seguindo, para atingir este objetivo, as reflexões de Moreira (2011): tornar de conhecimento público o texto produzido pelo letrado no espaço restrito (particular) da ABE. Diante disso, pôde-se perceber que todos os critérios ... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: This dissertation has the objective of carrying out a study of the ideological and formal parameters - considered as censorship - that guided the practices of the learned men of the Brazilian Academy of the Forgotten, the first literary and historical association of Brazil, founded in Bahia in 1724 by Vice-Rei Vasco Fernandes César de Meneses. For that, the first chapter consisted of a study of the socio-historical context of the Academy, dating back to the Counter-Reformation and its peculiarities, considering the "Catholic politics" practiced by the Portuguese Crown. In the first chapter, it was concluded that the men of letters should have an adequate posturein order to participate in the Academy. That posture should follow the set of virtues to achieve the supreme good, as Aristotle prescribed in his Rhetoric, so that, guided by prudence - necessary prerequisite for the success of the sharp-witted man - he could integrate this "subcourt" (as such referred to in this research, representing the rise to power through knowledge). In the second chapter, it is presented a survey of the poems archivedin the Institute of Brazilian Studies of São Paulo University, in the form of a mechanical edition, in order to establish the criteria adopted by the Secretary of the Academy (José da Cunha Cardoso) to approve the ideas to be disseminated by the Academy, to reach this objective, the research follows the reflections of Moreira (2011): to make public the texts produced by the literati... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Mestre

Revolutions, demonstrations, and, elections have a wide range of political and social impacts on societies. In many instances, the repercussions of these movements cause significant and irrevocable transformations that affect the daily lives of those living within the community. As a native Iranian female artist, my works of art speak specifically to the women who, like me, have been affected by these radical changes. As such, I use my personal experience of the post-revolution and election era to create poignant and progressive art that reflects the sentiments of many modern, Iranian women.

This study traces the history and culture of Spain as seen through the lens of the nation´s production of horror cinema. Starting from the boom of Spanish horror film in the early 1960s, the thesis compares and contrasts the political and social aspects of Spanish society throughout three distinct eras of the 20th century: 1962 – 1975 (the boom of Spanish horror film through the Franco dictatorship), 1975 – 1999 (the transition to democracy through the end of the 20th century) and 2000 – present (the 21st century). Movies as diverse as Gritos en la noche (1962, Jesús Franco), ¿Quién puede matar a un niño? (1976, Narciso Ibáñez Serrador) and Angustia (1987, Bigas Luna) are framed by culturally-related anectodes as well as correlations to their respective social environments. Special attention has been paid to the production and release of each film, especially in regards to censorship during the Franco dictatorship. The results show that Spanish horror cinema has acted as a true mirror to culture, society and politics in its native country throughout the 20th century and that this trend will likely extend in to the future.

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This master's thesis deals with the issue of censorship in the internet. Specifically, it describes technical means for censorship and methods of checking on existing projects. There are also presented various alternatives of circumvention censorship, which allow to access blocked information via the internet. Finally, it describes a system that allows practical verification of censorship in the People's republic of China. The results obtained with this system are thoroughly described and discussed.

<p>The proliferation of Internet access has enabled the rapid and widespread exchange of information globally. The world wide web has become the primary communications platform for many people and has surpassed other traditional media outlets in terms of reach and influence. However, many nation-states impose various levels of censorship on their citizens' Internet communications. There is little consensus about what constitutes “objectionable” online content deserving of censorship. Some people consider the censor activities occurring in many nations to be violations of international human rights (e.g., the rights to freedom of expression and assembly). This multi-study dissertation explores Internet censorship methods and systems. By using combinations of quantitative, qualitative, and systematic literature review methods, this thesis provides an interdisciplinary view of the domain of Internet censorship. The author presents a reference model for Internet censorship technologies: an abstraction to facilitate a conceptual understanding of the ways in which Internet censorship occurs from a system design perspective. The author then characterizes the technical threats to Internet communications, producing a comprehensive taxonomy of Internet censorship methods as a result. Finally, this work provides a novel research framework for revealing how nation-state censors operate based on a globally representative sample. Of the 70 nations analyzed, 62 used at least one Internet censorship method against their citizens. The results reveal worldwide trends in Internet censorship based on historical evidence and Internet measurement data. </p>

The present study began as an attempt to discover what mechanisms existed in Wilhelmine Germany to prevent the expression of radical views about politics and society by artists, writers and journalists. As the work progressed, it became clear that, because of the federal structure of the Reich, conditions varied considerably in different parts of the country} and that it would be both more practicable and more interesting to limit the investigation to a single city, Munich, which had a very active avant-garde, and where the strength of political clericalism made the debate about freedom of expression particularly fierce. Contemporary discussion centred mainly on two distinct, though related, topics: freedom of the press and freedom of the stage; and the sources available made it seem desirable, in addition to outlining the general legal background, to construct two detailed case-studies in order to investigate them. The choice of the satirical paper Simplicissimus on the one hand, and Frank Wedekind's plays on the other, soon proved to have been very appropriate. The history of Simplicissimus is interesting for three main reasons. In the first place, it sheds light on nearly all the major legal and practical issues connected with the liberty of the press in this period. Secondly, although Simplicissimus won a European reputation for its skilful satirical treatment of German and international affairs, the men who produced it were closely Identified with a particular community; and they commented acutely on events in Bavaria which had considerable bearing on Munich intellectuals' freedom to express themselves. Finally, a wealth of private and official documents makes it possible to study the relationship between an original and sometimes highly provocative paper and the state in exceptional detail. The case of Frank Wedekind forms an ideal counterpart to that of Simplicissimus. The authorities had much more power to control the theatre - which was regarded by many people ae an important channel of communication. than to control the press, and Wedekind's frequent and very well documented conflicts with the Munich censor reveal the weakness of a playwright's position compared with that of a journalist. Furthermore, Wedekind was for a time one of Simplicissimus' most 'subversive' collaborators; he was one of the acknowledged leaders of the Munich avant-garde. which was subjected to bitter attacks by Bavarian conservatives; and the nature of his plays meant that he became involved in the debate about pornography and low-grade literature which went on throughout the period. [Continued in text ...]

This thesis aims to provide an understanding of the phenomenon of citizen censorship in India and its implications for free speech. It is especially concerned with public protests where groups of citizens demand government action in order to ban or censor controversial material. These groups tend to invoke feelings of offense or hurt religious sentiments as a justification for restriction. The point of departure of this thesis is research on social movement outcomes and the history of Indian censorship. A quantitative approach is adopted, which includes data of protest events from 2010 to 2015. The author will demonstrate that restrictions on free speech coincide with protest events in three out of ten cases. A shorter case study of the controversy surrounding the film Vishwaroopam provides a concrete example of the dynamics of citizen censorship and aims to highlight some aspects that might have affected protest outcomes. Ultimately, the author concludes that protests are likely to be influential for restrictions on free speech, and that the role of the citizen as censor should not be ignored.