Studying the last century and a half of Ukrainian linguistic history reveals relentless attempts to stifle the development of Ukrainian as well as to suppress translation activities under both the tsarist and Soviet regimes. Exploring the morphological evolution of the Ukrainian language discloses evidence of terminological inconsistencies due to the lexical russification of Ukrainian during the Soviet regime, leading to inconsistencies between the standard of Ukrainian used in the Soviet Union versus that used in the diaspora. Additional examination of Ukrainian linguistic history discloses political motives for banning translations, refusing the right to translate, censoring translations, and punishing translators who rejected the mandatory Soviet literary norm of Socialist Realism. In order to further understand the implications of translation practices in the Ukrainian SSR, it is important to examine the language policies, political agendas and translation practices prior to and throughout the Soviet regime. This thesis explores and analyses the russification of Ukrainian through translation policies designed to fulfil Soviet political and ideological agendas. It compares power differentials between Russian and Ukrainian, as well as between Russian and other minority languages in translation, and examines the resulting terminological inconsistencies. It shows unequivocally how translation, transliteration, and censorship were used to foster linguicide and assimilate Ukrainian minorities, from the late tsarist era to the collapse of the Soviet Union.

No description available.

Thesis (M.S.W.) - Carleton University, 2002. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 136-141). Also available in electronic format on the Internet.

Thesis (Ed. D.)--Teachers College, Columbia University, 1965. / Typescript; issued also on microfilm. Includes tables. Sponsor: Louis Forsdale. Dissertation Committee: Robert E. Shafer. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 100-108).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1973. / Typescript. Vita. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references.

Submitted by Clebson Anjos (clebson.leandro54@gmail.com) on 2016-01-26T18:28:50Z No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 6026798 bytes, checksum: ccdb0e2d9308bbc44d25f8e764648f83 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-01-26T18:28:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 6026798 bytes, checksum: ccdb0e2d9308bbc44d25f8e764648f83 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-12-05 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / The present paper is the result of a bibliographic and documentary research whose main purpose consists in identify how the theater artists of the State Paraiba were struck by theatrical censorship imposed by the military dictatorship during the years 1964-1988, seeking thus contribute with the exercise of the right to memory and truth. Therefore this study deals with the relations of censorship measures with the violation of human rights looking for identify the origin that has given the censorship their policing feature and also underscores the importance to investigate the archives of repression. The text outlines a panorama of censorship legislation set in a timeline that goes from the Vargas dictatorship to the New Republic, illustrating its application with facts and records in the history of Brazilian theater. From the documentation pertaining to the acquis of National Archives that portrays the Paraiba‟s dramaturgy censored, with the use of other sources, the following paper highlights the actions of federal censorship on the work of Paraiba‟s artists, showing that this authoritarian action of military dictatorship reached forcefully Paraíba theater and its artists in the period of utmost lack of liberty of Brazilian people story. / O presente trabalho é resultado de uma pesquisa bibliográfica-documental com o objetivo de identificar de que forma os artistas de teatro do Estado da Paraíba foram atingidos pela censura teatral imposta pela ditadura militar nos anos de 1964 a 1988, procurando, assim, contribuir com o exercício do direito à memória e à verdade. Para tanto, aborda a relação da ação censória com a violação dos Direitos Humanos e busca identificar a gênese que conferiu à censura sua característica policialesca e, ainda, ressalta a importância de se desvendar os arquivos da repressão. Traça um panorama da legislação censória instituída em uma linha do tempo que vai da ditadura de Vargas à Nova República, ilustrando a sua aplicação com fatos e dados da história do teatro brasileiro. A partir de documentação do acervo do Arquivo Nacional, que retrata a dramaturgia paraibana censurada, e uso de outras fontes, destaca a ação da censura federal sobre a obra dos artistas paraibanos, comprovando que essa ação autoritária da ditadura militar atingiu de forma contundente o teatro paraibano e seus artistas no período de maior privação de liberdade do povo brasileiro.

Studying the last century and a half of Ukrainian linguistic history reveals relentless attempts to stifle the development of Ukrainian as well as to suppress translation activities under both the tsarist and Soviet regimes. Exploring the morphological evolution of the Ukrainian language discloses evidence of terminological inconsistencies due to the lexical russification of Ukrainian during the Soviet regime, leading to inconsistencies between the standard of Ukrainian used in the Soviet Union versus that used in the diaspora. Additional examination of Ukrainian linguistic history discloses political motives for banning translations, refusing the right to translate, censoring translations, and punishing translators who rejected the mandatory Soviet literary norm of Socialist Realism. In order to further understand the implications of translation practices in the Ukrainian SSR, it is important to examine the language policies, political agendas and translation practices prior to and throughout the Soviet regime. This thesis explores and analyses the russification of Ukrainian through translation policies designed to fulfil Soviet political and ideological agendas. It compares power differentials between Russian and Ukrainian, as well as between Russian and other minority languages in translation, and examines the resulting terminological inconsistencies. It shows unequivocally how translation, transliteration, and censorship were used to foster linguicide and assimilate Ukrainian minorities, from the late tsarist era to the collapse of the Soviet Union.

What happens when the journalist’s ethical obligation to protect the identity of an anonymous source of information clashes with the established legal principal that all relevant evidence needs to be placed before a court? It is common cause that the media is dependant on sources for information. If that were not the case, the media would merely relay obvious information on events already in the public domain. Some sources prefer to remain anonymous, be it for fear of retribution, fear for their own safety or that of their families or just plain shame. Whatever the case may be, the journalist remains under an ethical obligation not to disclose the identity of such a source of information. Although virtually all professional codes of ethics for journalists has some reference to journalists’ duty to protect the identity of their sources of information, at common law the South African journalist has no such privilege as is evinced by the judgment handed down by Hill J in S v Pogrund 1961 (3) SA 868 (TPD) who said that [s]uch principles … confer no privilege in law on any journalist. The most common justification given by supporters of a journalistic privilege is that sources would “dry up” should journalists be forced to disclose the identities of their sources of information. In the writer’s opinion, the question of a journalist’s right to protect the identity of an anonymous source of information or journalistic privilege falls squarely within the ambit of freedom of expression. Section 16 of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa guarantees that everyone has the right to freedom of expression, which includes inter alia freedom of the press and other media and the freedom to receive or impart information or ideas. Any interference with the delicate relationship between journalist and source therefore will theoretically be a limitation on the rights guaranteed in section 16 of the Constitution. In recent times however since the inception of the new democratic dispensation South African courts have been more inclined to accept that journalists have, at least in principle, the right to protect their sources of information. This is unfortunately not enough as it is quite clear that the notion still exists to view the media as a primary source of evidence, rather than one of the cornerstones of democracy should a journalist be suspected of having information that could be relevant in a case before the court. This is clear from the recent Hefer Commission of Enquiry saga where a journalist was summonsed outright to testify as to her sources of information. South Africa is lagging behind other western legal systems where the journalist’s privilege is seen as a core element of press freedom. Protection for this principle has been formally introduced in foreign legislation. An amendment to the Criminal Procedure Act could be the answer, as could new legislation to protect the media from testifying regarding the identity of informants. Ultimately however, argument of the question before the Constitutional Court would be the ideal solution. / Dissertation (Magister Legum (Public Law))--University of Pretoria, 2007. / Public Law / unrestricted

Baksidestext The Tor network was originally designed as low-latency anonymity network.However, as the years progressed, Tor earned a reputation as also being a useful tool to circumvent Internet censorship. At times, the network counted 30,000 users only from China. Censors reacted by tightening their grip on the national communication infrastructure. In particular, they developed techniques to prevent people from being able to access the Tor network. This arms race now counts several iterations and no end is in sight. This thesis contributes to a censorship-resistant Tor network in two ways. First, it analyses how existing censorship systems work. In particular, the Great Firewall of China is analysed in order to obtain an understanding of its capabilities as well as to explore circumvention opportunities. Second, this thesis proposes practical countermeasures to circumvent Internet censorship. In particular, it presents a novel network protocol which is resistant to the Great Firewall's active probing attacks.

Spaces for protests, demonstrations, and activism are shifting under contemporary social, cultural, and governance structures. While particular conditions for physical space were once fairly unified in their ability to establish space for activism and dissent; social media and digital platforms have fundamentally changed the nature of those areas. This thesis aims to investigate frameworks of space-making that can potentially reposition spaces of activism as everyday events that represent the mood of the society. This in turn will also help in revisiting the terms of human engagement with the help of spaces that facilitate a deeper understanding of the people around us and conceive a sense of empathy within our social conversations.