Thesis (Ph. D.)--Columbia University, 1992. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 102-109).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Cornell University, 1995. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references.

作為社會主義國家中央計劃的遺產，國民經濟和社會發展五年計劃/規劃是調節中國經濟社會與空間發展的重要工具。隨著中國政治經濟的轉型，五年計劃/規劃也經歷了多次顯著的轉變。尤其在"十一五"時期，五年規劃體系分別在三個地理尺度上加強了其中的空間規劃元素和地位。這包括在國家層面提出主體功能區劃，在區域層面加強區域空間規劃功能，在市縣層面進行規劃體制改革。 / 目前，學術界還未有對五年計劃/規劃在中國轉型中所扮演的角色展開深入研究，特別是空間規劃如何轉變和行使空間管治功能。基於此，本論文採用管治的視角，構建一個基於過程的概念分析框架，以揭示五年計劃/規劃體系中的空間規劃元素轉變的基本原理和機制，也即在於探討各利益主體、制度、規劃管理和機制如何作用於五年規劃中空間規劃的發展，以及空間規劃在地方具體管治事務上的成效。具體而言，論文試圖回答以下三個相關研究問題。第一，五年規劃為何要植入新的空間規劃方法？第二，"十一五"期間，將空間規劃植入五年規劃體系的機制是什麼？第三，植入的空間規劃是否能有效的進行空間管治？通過分析空間規劃內容在國家五年計劃/規劃體系中的演變特點，以及結合江蘇省"十一五"期間的兩個案例（區域和城市兩個尺度）的研究，論文得出以下結論： / 隨著市場化改革和經濟權力下放，中國空間發展的政治經濟環境發生了重要變化。這在客觀上需要五年計劃/規劃體系中的空間規劃內容做出相應的調整。初期，空間規劃的形式體現在以部委主導的發展項目；改革開放到"十五"計畫期間，空間規劃的形式主要體現在劃定特殊的政策區域；"十一五"規劃以來，空間規劃則以空間分類引導與約束並舉的空間發展政策框架形式出現。"十一五"以來轉變的目的是使經濟規劃與空間規劃的結合更加緊密，以克服中國當前空間管治的各種困境。但是，這種在空間規劃方法上的創新也受到了來自地方層級政府和不同規劃部門的挑戰，為其實施帶來了一些不確定因素。 / 在區域尺度上，論文選取了江蘇省五年規劃體系中的沿江規劃作為案例。研究發現，作為省政府自上而下引導區域協調發展和區域經濟整合，約束空間無序開發的手段，沿江規劃的發展高度依賴於地方的政治經濟環境，反應了省內複雜的空間管治機制。沿江規劃稍早於省"十一五"規劃出臺。隨後，省政府將沿江規劃進行調整並植入五年規劃體系。其主要目的是為了加強沿江規劃的政治地位，以克服其早期實施時出現的危機。調整後的沿江規劃進一步突出了空間管治、區域協調發展和可持續性的目標。但是，在規劃實際實施中，沿江規劃戰略成為區內城市政府為資本積累推動新的發展項目的工具，而區域協調發展和空間可持續性問題反而被一再忽略。 / 在城市尺度上，論文選取了國家發改委主導的蘇州"十一五"市縣規劃改革作為案例。其改革的目的主要是加強規劃協調和發展控制。然而，蘇州"十一五"時期的發展表明，市"十一五"規劃中所植入的空間規劃框架儘管加強了空間發展約束和引導的內容，但實際上其無力調整市域部門分割的空間管治關係。這主要是因為，地方的空間規劃受到來自中央規劃部門的條例、法規和指標控制等垂直管理體系的約束。另外，為了創造土地財政和刺激地方發展，城市政府試圖突破自上而下的規劃控制指標和操縱地方規劃的資料，尤其是土地開發。為此，蘇州"十一五"規劃中的空間規劃處於一個嵌套的規劃管理環境。空間規劃進而成為中央和地方在空間管治理念上博弈的犧牲品。這種空間規劃的創新，不但無法融合部門割裂的規劃功能，更不能觸動地方政府對土地財政依賴，因此無法建立空間管制的機制。 / 總體上，經濟增長仍然是地方最為重要的規劃管治問題，進而決定了空間規劃中政治的走向。目前的空間規劃理念還主要是緩解經濟增長的限制性因素，如土地供應緊張和環境門檻提升等，而非為了建立有效的空間管治機制。 / As a legacy of the socialist state with central planning, Five-Year Planning (FYP) is very important in regulating socio-economic and spatial development even in post-reform China. Along with the changing context of political economy, the plan has experienced remarkable transformation in the last several decades. Particularly, during the 11th FYP Period, the FYP system emphasized spatial planning at different geographic scales, such as incorporating Major Function-Oriented Zoning (MFOZ) plan, enhancing the function of regional spatial planning, and conducting demonstration reform of planning institution at the municipal or county level. / In the literature, there has been little study on the role of FYP in transitional China. Especially, there is no study on how spatial planning in the FYP mechanism has operated and transformed in spatial regulatory practices. Under this context, drawn on the governance perspective, this study attempts to uncover the rationale and mechanisms of the changing spatial planning in the Chinese FYP system by building a conceptual framework. It aims to identify various stakeholders, institutions, planning administration and mechanisms of articulating spatial planning into FYP system and the effectiveness of spatial planning in solving place-specific governance issues during the plan formulation and implementation. / Specifically, this study attempts to answer the following three related research questions. First, why did the 11th FYP mechanism need to articulate the new spatial planning approaches? Second, what was the mechanism of articulating spatial planning into the 11th FYP system? Third, was articulating spatial planning into the 11th FYP system effective to govern spatial development? By examining the changing spatial planning in national FYP system and two case studies of the 11th FYP in Jiangsu Province (at the regional and urban scale), the main findings of this study are as follows: / The thesis argues that the market-oriented reform and decentralized economic administration have changed China's political economy and necessitated the transformation of the FYP mechanism, the embedded spatial planning in particular. In the pre-reform period, spatial planning was manifested in the ministry-led project-specific approach. From the beginning of the reform and opening to the 10th FYP Period, it was primarily manifested in setting up special policy areas to stimulate economic growth but failed in development control. Recently, spatial planning was transformed to a spatial policy framework approach with development guidance and control. It has also been tried to further integrate economic planning and spatial planning through the FYP mechanism. The new spatial planning approaches were articulated into the 11th FYP system at various geographic scales, as a response to the changing context of political economy and increasing socioeconomic transformation. However, due to various constraints in the period of institutional transition, the new spatial planning encounters various uncertainties to establish sound governance mechanisms in China. / At the provincial level, Jiangsu Region along the Yangtze River (JSYR) plan in the Jiangsu provincial 11th FYP system is employed for case study. The plans development process was highly embedded in local political economy, reflecting the decentralized and complicated spatial governance mechanisms in provincial China. Before it was articulated into the provincial 11th FYP system, the plan had already been implemented for half a year. In order to enhance the political status of the plan and cope with the crisis in the early plan implementation, Jiangsu provincial government articulated the spatial plan into the provincial 11th FYP system with a restructured spatial policy framework to enhance development control. However, it is revealed that, rather than as an institutional arena for regional coordination and sustainability, the articulated spatial planning in Jiangsu 11th FYP may only function as an instrument to develop new projects for capital accumulation. The actual sustainability of spatial development was ignored by local city governments. / At the municipal level, the demonstration reform of planning institution in Suzhou is employed for case study. The purpose of this reform was to improve plan coordination and development control at urban level. The realities in Suzhou indicated that the articulated spatial planning in Suzhou 11th FYP failed to restructure municipal spatial governance relations and enhance local development control. It was no more than a cosmetic covering of the fragmented and overlapped planning functions instead of an integrated spatial governance mechanism in the city. Suzhou case shows that various local spatial plans were highly constrained by the sectoral codes, hierarchic regulations and top-down controlling quotas from relevant ministry-level departments. Under the nested planning administration shaped both by top-down regulations, and local discretion and manipulation, the plan coordination through the platform of spatial planning in Suzhou municipal 11th FYP was very difficult. Spatial planning has become a complicated arena and, the planning is mixed by central control and local initiatives with various levels of intervention. / In general, economic growth was the ultimately concerned governance issue in Chinese provinces and municipalities, which justifies local politics of spatial planning. Subsequently, the development philosophy of spatial planning at local levels was to alleviate the constraints of economic growth such as inadequate land supply and high environmental threshold rather than to establish the mechanisms of coordination and development control. This study advances the current understanding about the rationale and mechanisms about spatial planning and governance in contemporary China. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Wang, Lei. / Thesis (Ph.D.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2014. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 151-168). / Abstracts also in Chinese; appendix 3 in Chinese.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, Berkeley, 1989. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 289-310).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Delaware, 1991. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 229-246).

The study traces and explains reformulation of ANC nationalisation policy between 1990 and early 1994. In doing so it develops the sociology of nationalisation. It argues that nationalisation is a nexus of particular social relations. (Abbreviation abstract) / AC2017

O propósito deste trabalho é estudar o Debate do Cálculo Econômico Socialista, desde a sua pré-história a partir da Revolução Marginalista e o seu início em 1920 com o artigo de Ludwig von Mises até a moderna retomada do mesmo na década de noventa. Argumentaremos que a fonte do desacordo pode ser traçada nas diferentes percepções sobre a complexidade do problema alocativo. A desconsideração dessa complexidade por sua vez levou os economistas a usar a teoria microeconômica padrão para construir um novo sistema econômico, desconsiderando as assimetrias entre explicação e previsão/controle existentes na teoria econômica neoclássica. Em cada fase do debate, elementos importantes dos mercados reais, geralmente desconsiderados pela teoria econômica então prevalecente, foram utilizados para criticar as tentativas de solução do problema do cálculo. Em particular, a articulação de Hayek da abordagem austríaca de processo de mercado foi em parte fruto do debate e ainda é relevante para avaliar os méritos das propostas modernas de socialismo de mercado e o significado da teoria micro em geral. / The purpose of this work is to study the Socialist Economic Calculation Debate, from its prehistory since the Marginalist Revolution and its beginning in 1920 with Ludwig von Mises article to the modern reopening of the discussions in the 90´s. We will argue that the source of the disagreement can be traced to the different perceptions about the complexity of the allocative problem. The neglect of this complexity in turn lead the economists to use the standard microeconomic theory to construct a new economic system, disregarding the asymmetries between explanation and prediction/control in neoclassical economic theory. At each phase of the debate, important elements of the real markets, usually disregarded by the economic theory prevailing in the moment, were used to criticize the attempts to find a solution to the calculation problem. Particularly, Hayek´s articulation of the Austrian or market process approach to economic theory was in part fruit of this debate and is still relevant to evaluate the merits of the modern market socialist proposals and the significance of micro theory in general.

Biotechnological innovation is simultaneously globalizing and localizing. While ambitious scientists and thriving companies operate in a transnational environment, national leaders perceive domestic innovation as a source of international power and of domestic regime legitimacy. My work leverages these tensions between nationalism and globalism to identify mechanisms by which the micro-level dynamics of Chinese state capitalism co-produce scientific expertise, political power, and social critique in China’s agrobiotechnology industry. By examining how this happens in an authoritarian, technocratic, post-socialist nation, I show that exclusively focusing on biotech development in advanced liberal-democracies has reified particular institutional arrangements as “essential” to biotech innovation. This myopia limits our understanding of how such innovation can occur under other state and market organizing principles. Since the birth of the American biotechnology industry, scholars have tried to elucidate the institutional conditions catalyzing biotech growth and decipher the new organizational forms, scientific identities, and governance dilemmas accompanying its rise. Debates rage, for example, over whether “free market” forces or government policies kindled the biotech boom. Others examine how biotech firms translate between the logics of the market and science, how universities normalize academic entrepreneurship, and what configurations of capital, research organizations, and commercial firms boost the emergence of vibrant clusters. Ultimately, however, biotechnological development is not “simply a matter of advances in science and technology, but a product of complex entanglements among knowledge, technical capability, politics, and culture.” My dissertation explores these entanglements in China. Employing in-depth interviews with key actors, observational field research, and textual analysis of Chinese media, I show how the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) deployment of nationalist ideologies reshapes and runs up against a science-driven industry of national importance. I contend that China’s approach to developing biotechnology centers on the principle of “technological domestication”, whereby fears of technologically-induced pollution and natural/artificial transgression surrounding genetically modified (GM) technology are recast into an opposition to foreign aggressors, be they countries, companies, or individual actors. Centrally, I argue this nationalist frame is not merely ideological rhetoric, but a principle of institution building that uniquely mixes science, business and the state. As in a chemical reaction, the bonds and boundaries among these entities are restructured and a new compound synthesized, distinct from the sum of its parts. This nationalist “technology” permeates and structures each level of the agrobiotech project: how this nationalist frame fundamentally shapes the nature of business alliances within the agrobiotech sector, the chimeric organizational forms taken by commercial enterprises and academic laboratories, career trajectories spanning science, the market, and the state, professional identities embodied in the industry, and ultimately, even the contours of social criticism leveled against the technology. I aver that while the technological domestication frame enables Chinese firms and entrepreneurs to dominate Chinese technology markets and create novel—and often transgressive—organizational forms, career trajectories and professional identities, it also facilitates the party-state’s “taming” of these actors and the technologies they produce, as the system rewards the development of technologies that reinforce state power and requires ritualistic performances from the firms and academic entrepreneurs operating within it. Overall, while showing the construction of “biotechnology with Chinese characteristics” to be a socio-technical imaginary with meaningful technical, organizational, and moral consequences, I identify an alternative trajectory of knowledge economy development, reveal logics of state capitalism, and determine limits of expert co-option within a single party authoritarian regime.

No description available.

No description available.