The topic of my study is presidential system. I have chosen this topic because I am interested in situation of Latin America countries. These countries have decided to follow establishment of The United States. Many authors affirm that presidentialism is occasion of instability in these countries. The thesis is composed of ten chapters, which are divided into subsection or other parts. At the beginning I introduce political systems in our society. And I chose one of them, presidential system, to analyze in details. Chapter Two is about history of creation Constitution of The United States. This part of history is important because this Constitution is model for countries, which have decided for presidentialism. In this stage I explain the term presidential system and its particular signs. Without knowledge about it we don't understand how this system function. And we can't confront it with other political systems. Chapter Three describes presidentialism and its different forms. In my work I describe presidentialism in Latin America and in The United States. In Europe, there are many countries, which after year 1991 have decided for presidentionalism. But there always are relics of communism. There absent elements of democracy. In some of this countries govern strong presidents and we mark them like...

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-12-21T11:26:21Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Beatriz Meneghel Chagas Camargo.pdf: 1131638 bytes, checksum: 901a754fca66a7e2d1aaf9c639a3132b (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-12-21T11:26:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Beatriz Meneghel Chagas Camargo.pdf: 1131638 bytes, checksum: 901a754fca66a7e2d1aaf9c639a3132b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-12-11 / The present study aimed to analyze whether the checks and balances in the Federal Constitution of 1988 ensure the balance between the Executive, Legislative and Judicial Powers. The separation of powers and the mechanisms of checks and balances were conceived with the intention of, in containing the abuse of the holders of the powers, to guarantee the fundamental rights of the individuals. The question that arises in this study is whether the way in which such instruments of mutual control are distributed among the three Powers, in the Federal Constitution of 1988, responds to the current Brazilian reality, in which the Judiciary has been gaining a prominent position / O presente estudo tem como objetivo analisar se os freios e contrapesos na Constituição Federal de 1988 asseguram o equilíbrio entre os Poderes Executivo, Legislativo e Judiciário. A separação dos poderes e os mecanismos de freios e contrapesos foram concebidos com o intuito de, ao conter o abuso dos titulares dos poderes, assegurar os direitos fundamentais dos indivíduos. Questão que se coloca neste estudo é se a forma como distribuídos tais instrumentos de controle recíproco entre os três Poderes, na Constituição Federal de 1988, atende à atual realidade brasileira, em que o Poder Judiciário vem ganhando posição de preeminência

The Inter-American Democratic Charter (IDC) was adopted in 2001 by member states of the Organization of American States (OAS) as a renewed instrument for the defense of democracy, not only against traditional coup d´etat but also to face serious violations to horizontal accountability. The second assumption took into consideration, as a precedent, the political situation in Peru during Alberto Fujimori's administration (1995-2000), defined as a competitive authoritarian regime by Political Science and Constitutional Law scholars. However, during the last decade to the presentwe find in Latin America several countries with governments where the principle of checks and balances has been eroded as a result of measures adopted by their respective executive branch. This situation suggests the following concerns: The liberal democratic model of the IDC is in crisis? This model has been overcame by illiberal governments that privileges economic and social rights and restraints civil and political rights? Or both models a recondemned to coexist in the region? / La Carta Democrática Interamericana (CDI) fue adoptada en el año 2001 por los Estados miembros de la Organización de Estados Americanos (OEA)  como  un  instrumento  renovado  para  la  defensa  de la democracia, no sólo contra el golpe de Estado tradicional, sino también para hacer frente a las graves violaciones de la responsabilidad horizontal. El segundo supuesto consideró, como precedente, la situación política en el Perú durante el gobierno de Alberto Fujimori (1995-2000), el cual fue definido por los académicos de Ciencias Políticas y Derecho Constitucional como un régimen autoritario competitivo. Sin embargo, durante la última década hasta la actualidad hemos hallado en América Latina varios países con gobiernos en donde el principio de equilibrio de poderes ha erosionado como resultado de las medidas adoptadas por sus respectivas ramas ejecutivas. Esta situación sugiere las siguientes preocupaciones: ¿El modelo democrático liberal de la CDI se encuentra en crisis? ¿Este modelo ha sido vencido por los gobiernos liberales lo cuales privilegian a los derechos económicos y sociales y restringen los derechos civiles y políticos? ¿O ambos modelos están condenados a coexistir en la región?