During World War Two, approximately 400 to 450 Ausländerkinder-Pflegestätten, or foreign child-care facilities, were established across the German Reich as collection centers for the infants born to Polish and Soviet civilian laborers employed in the German war economy. My thesis examines two such foreign child-care facilities, the Volkswagen and Velpke children’s homes, where over 450 Polish and Soviet infants perished. Three themes provide the framework for an analysis of these two facilities: the conflict between two of the main goals of the Third Reich—racial cleansing and the exploitation of forced labor; the question of whether the establishment of the facilities and treatment of the children depended on orders from upper-level or local-level authorities; and the issue of whether the children’s deaths stemmed from intent to cause their deaths or indifference toward their fate. This thesis addresses the following questions: In terms of racial ideology and economic pragmatism, was one factor more significant in the establishment and use of the Volkswagen and Velpke children’s homes? Who, among upper-level and lower-level Nazi officials, ordinary Germans, medical professionals, and factory executives, was responsible for the children’s deaths? Were the children’s deaths intentional? What do these two facilities tell us about the other foreign child-care facilities that existed across the Third Reich? The research for this thesis draws upon two British war crimes trials held in Braunschweig and Helmstedt, Germany in 1946, the “Velpke Baby Home Case” and the “Rühen Baby Farm Case,” as well as records from the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum Archives in Washington, DC, the National Archives at College Park in College Park, MD, and digital records from the International Tracing Service Archives. Ultimately, this thesis highlights the connections between the three conflicting—and often opposing—themes. First, the trial records revealed that both facilities were exclusively established, managed, and operated by local-level officials and personnel. Second, upper-level Nazi authorities deemed alleged racial enemies a threat to the German “master race,” and were intent on enforcing a racial hierarchy in the German Reich; however, the local-level officials and staff responsible for these two children’s homes were far more concerned with maintaining productivity from the Polish and Soviet workforce, remaining indifferent toward the fate of the children at the homes. Third, while both the need for economic efficiency from workers and the belief in Nazi racial ideology influenced the establishment, management, and operation of the Volkswagen and Velpke children’s homes, there is minimal evidence that local authorities and personnel prioritized racial ideology over economics. Since both facilities were controlled locally, this thesis reveals that rather than putting racial ideological into practice and intentionally killing the children, local officials prioritized economic production. This left the fate of the children somewhere between extermination and child-rearing—between being left to die, murdered, or raised.

Staphylococcus aureus (S. aureus) is a ubiquitous bacterium that has the potential to cause severe disease in children and adults. Asymptomatic carriage of S. aureus is an important risk factor for developing infection, as well as a key contributor to transmission. Despite the fact that child care workers are at risk of infections, little research has focused on asymptomatic carriage of S. aureus in this occupational group. We collected samples from 110 employees, 81 children, and 214 surfaces at twelve child care facilities, as well as 111 age- and gender-matched adults not employed at child care centers. After adjusting for age, a household contact with a recent influenza-like illness, and a household contact with exposure to cattle, the odds ratio for S. aureus carriage in child care employees was 0.68 (95% CI 0.31 - 1.50, p-value 0.34). The odds of MRSA carriage was 3.09 times higher in child care employees than unexposed adults after adjusting for a history of cigarette smoking (95% CI 1.04 - 9.17, p-value 0.042). Colonization rates of all S. aureus and MRSA in children were 19.8% and 1.23%, respectively. S. aureus and MRSA were isolated from 9.80% and 0.90% of surfaces. Washing children's hands upon arrival had a protective effect among employees (adjusted OR 0.17, 95% CI 0.095 - 0.32, p < 0.0001). Molecular characterization suggested transmission of S. aureus among children, employees, and environmental surfaces. While the overall prevalence of MRSA is low at child care facilities, employees may be at increased risk of carrying this organism.

Child care researchers divide child care quality into two separate categories: structural child care quality (adult-child ratios, class size, amount of physical space, etc.) and dynamic child care quality (number and quality of teacher-child relationships). A consensus has emerged in the child care literature that structural child care quality has no direct effect on children's developmental outcomes (e.g., language development, social development, school readiness) . Rather, structural child care quality facilitates dynamic child care quality, which then has a direct effect on child outcomes. While child care researchers frequently assert that structural variables merely facilitate dynamic variables, and have no direct impact on child outcomes, this assertion has never been empirically tested. The presented study tested the relative impact of structural and dynamic child care quality on child outcomes using multiple regression analysis. A data set from the European Child Care and Education Study involving 1,246 subjects was used, and 20 structural quality variables, 10 dynamic quality variables, and four measures of child outcomes were used in the multiple regression equations. In each case it was found that structural quality variables continued to be correlated with child outcomes after the variance associated with dynamic quality variables was removed, indicating that structural child care quality has an influence on child outcomes beyond merely facilitating dynamic quality . The prevailing view that structural child care quality merely facilitates dynamic child care quality, and has no direct influence on child outcomes, was not supported by the present study.

The employment rate of young partnered women and partnered mothers increased considerably over the 1980s, while there was less change in the 1990s. This thesis explores these changes, with a focus on partnered mothers with young children. The objectives are to describe what the changes in female employment were, and to analyse why they might have occurred. ¶ The analyses were primarily quantitative, although they were put into context with extensive reviews of Australian and, where relevant, international literature. The primary source of data was Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) Census data. Other data used included those from the ABS Child Care Surveys, Negotiating the Life Course Survey and the National Social Science Survey. ¶ Many changes in maternal employment were identified. The most notable change was the increase in the number and proportion of partnered mothers working part- time hours. Job characteristics also changed, with these women in full-time or part- time jobs more likely to be working in higher skilled professional and para- professional jobs in 2001, compared to 1981. For partnered mothers with a child aged less than one, the proportion working increased, but there was also evidence that more women were making use of maternity leave. ¶ Coinciding with these changes were a number of compositional changes, as women of succeeding birth cohorts were more educated, and more likely to delay marriage and childbearing. Attitudinal change was also evident, as people became more accepting of working wives. Attitudes to working mothers with young children changed less, with a strong preference for mothers to be at home when their children were young. Also over this period, there were many changes in infrastructure, policy and the labour market generally that had impacts on female employment opportunities and conditions. These changes are explored in detail, and their relationship to employment change examined. ¶ Because there were so many changes in these factors occurring over this period, the exact causes of employment change were difficult to identify. Also, an analysis of employment change is complicated because the causality of certain effects does not run in only one direction – there are more complex links between education, childbearing and employment that should be accounted for in explaining changes over time. Similarly, changes in supply of labour are difficult to disentangle from changes in demand for labour. ¶ Compositional changes were certainly important in explaining the growth in the proportion working, especially for younger women. These women were not only more highly educated in 2001, they were less likely to have children. For working mothers, the effect of increased education levels could be seen in the greater numbers working in higher status occupations. ¶ The analyses of infrastructure and policy change, particularly that of changes in income support and child care provision which were covered in some detail, did suggest that certain aspects of these broader changes were associated with changes in employment, at least for some sections of the population. Income support changes may have enabled more mothers, particularly those in low-income households, to stay at home with young children. This might be part of the reason for the slower growth in female employment in the 1990s, as payments to single-income families increased. ¶ The increased availability of formal child care was likely to have enabled more mothers to work, although the use of informal care, and parental-care only also grew over the 1980s and 1990s. The cost of care continues to be prohibitive for some families. ¶ Increases in part-time work continued even when the overall rate of employment slowed down. Changes in industrial relations, through award restructuring and the introduction of enterprise bargaining, were associated with an increased availability of part-time jobs. This sustained use of part-time work was congruent with the employment preferences of working mothers with young children. Also, the evidence presented shows that part-time work has grown in higher status as well as lower status jobs. ¶ Overall, while it was not possible to identify the exact causes of employment change, the compositional (education and childbearing changes in particular), attitudinal and broader infrastructure/policy changes were no doubt related.

<p>The investigation concerns childrearing among settlers in the northern part of Sweden between 1850-1920. What were the attitudes of the adults towards children and what ideals were there for children's behaviour? By investigating childrearing I also intended to find which general values and norms there were in the settlers' society. When answering these questions it has turned out that the relationship between discourse, ideal norm and practice is of central importance. The source material has been taken mainly from ethnological archives. The specific elements in the settlers' way of bringing up children will be clear from a comparison with other methods from different times and different social systems. I have found it productive to refer to the discussion regarding various theories on the history of civilisation. The problems of historical translation constitute a central methodological issue in the comparison between different ways of bringing up children. I have tried to dissociate myself from the analysis of childrearing in different times which can be found in the thoughts of Philippe Aries and Norbert Elias. Michel Foucault represents a more unprejudiced history of civilisation and his thoughts about an older and a younger form of steering mechanism have turned out to be applicable in the case of historical change in the discourse and practise of childrearing. The childhood of the settlers' children can be divided into two separate periods; the liberal period of the child's first two or three years, and the time when discipline began. During the first period the child was entitled to have all its needs fulfilled. At the age of four or five a more rigorous discipline began. Flogging and fright were used and the purpose was to make the child obedient, humble and willing to work. Adults could openly express tenderness and kiss and fondle the infants. It is more difficult to interpret the language of tenderness where the older children are concerned, since adults did not express their feelings for them in words or gestures. The way the adults related to the children reveals, however, an attitude which deviates from the ideas of the Old Testament. This attitude, which existed on the level of practise, meant loving playfulness and respect. Discipline was used to teach the children proper behaviour in all areas of life, e.g. the social life with all its strict rules of etiquette. The difficulty in discovering the discipline which existed in the settlers' society, is linked to the fact that their idea of proper behaviour did not always correspond with the ideas of the middle class. The settlers taught their children to control their spontaneous feelings of distaste for dirt and uncleanliness. To openly demonstrate warm feelings for other people was also discouraged. By expressing feelings of shame, the children were taught to discipline their sexuality. Training in humbleness was also a training for life. Children who were in service had to learn the manners and the landless people were outside the reciprocity in the' settlers' society.</p>

<p>This thesis is a case study about the forms of appearance and the consequences of relations and communication in collaborative work between school and child-care providers. The empirical data consists mainly of interviews, but include also a number of written documents.</p><p>The aims of the study are:</p><p>• First, to review how relations and communication appear in collaborations between school and child-care.</p><p>• Second, to examine the consequences of relations and these communica-tions for cooperation between different professions in school and child-care.</p><p>• Third, to review how these relations and communications between child-care and school are influenced by organizational conditions.</p><p>The theoretical frame of reference has four sections. The first comprises some comprehensive assumptions for the thesis. The second deals with perspectives on relation and communication. The third discusses cooperation as organizing of social processes. The fourth examines, from a neo-institutional standpoint, how organizational conditions influence professional relations and communication in these collaborations.</p><p>Regarding relations, the analysis shows that there was regular face-to-face-contact between different professional groups but variations in frequency of contact. One contributing cause to the variations was geographical distance. Another cause was the extent to which the groups shared common interests. It also became evident that there were variations in the distribution of power partly caused by systemic, structural, conditions and partly by episodic and temporary aspects.</p><p>The analysis also shows that communication has four content types. First, work communication, refers to the everyday communication in cooperation. News- and status communication concerns actors, at different levels, informing other actors about their status. Management communication, partly concerned the coordination of areas of responsibility on the management level. It also con-cerned the managers’ direction of the operative level. Value and culture communication, included discussions about the underlying assumptions of different programs.</p><p>Relations and communication affected those areas of knowledge and those programs that would be a part of the cooperation. If the actors did not agree with one another they had to negotiate to reach an agreement that both parties accepted. Communication also influenced the opportunity to organize cooperation around children’s needs. For example communication influenced flexibility in the cooperation. To make this possible continuous communication was necessary as was the opportunities to create similar knowledge about each other’s competence and how it was manifested in the practical work.</p><p>Regarding the organizational conditions, institutional rules affected the actors opinions about whom they should cooperate, and therefore communicate, with. In spite of that, the actors on the operative level had a space to act strategically. Therefore the implementation of cooperation, to a great extent, was formed in communication between actors who were involved in the every day work.</p>

This study utilized a qualitative approach to explore how Healthy Start home visiting services affect participants' parenting and lives in general. The purpose of this study was to explore both the intended and unintended outcomes of Healthy Start, using the theory of transformative learning. This theory postulates that through education individuals examine their thoughts, beliefs, and behaviors. This self-examination results in changes in self-perception that can impact lives in many unexpected ways. Through interviews with 20 families, who had participated in Healthy Start for at least 6 months, families reported both anticipated and unanticipated changes in their lives. It was found that Healthy Start influences a variety of positive outcomes for families. Previous quantitative findings were supported. According to the parents interviewed, Healthy Start is achieving its intended outcomes and goals. Parents reported greater ability to access health care services, improvements in their home learning environment, and improved interactions with their child. Parents also indicated increased knowledge of child development and community resources. Findings also provided support for the occurrence of transformative learning. Interviewed parents indicated that their involvement with Healthy Start impacted more than just their parenting. Through a supportive relationship and goal setting, the participants were able to reach beyond basic parent education. The interviews suggest that the mechanism for transformative learning lies in the supportive, non-threatening relationship that develops between parent and home visitor. This supportive relationship, in addition to guided goals setting, enhances a parent's feelings of self-efficacy and increases their ability to make life changes and persist in the face of challenges. Parents reported improved relationships with others, increased feelings of confidence, and the ability to accomplish otherwise unattainable things. / Graduation date: 2002

This dissertation examines the inherent meanings in the claim that the pre-school is "a complement to the home". The meanings are analysed in order to explore the reasons behind the extension of child care in Sweden, and particularly during the period 1990-1995.The dissertation has two objectives. The first objective is to analyse the aims, as identified by the state and the municipalities, for pre-schools and family day nurseries to act as a complement to the home; with an additional analysis of the children's social and cultural contexts. The second objective is to analyse how employees and parents interpret the idea that pre-schooling is a complement to the home. Date used for this research is national programme information, guidelines used at municipal levels, and empirical data from one questionnaire to staff and two questionnaires to parents. Theories about frame factors and curricula constitute the points of departure for the analyses of the national programmes at state and at local levels, and for the analyses of the questionnaires. The analyses shows that the concept of "a complement to the home" has varied over time and that it is contextually dependent. In the 1930s, when there was a need to improve children's playing environment to compensate for small, cramped, and dark homes, the pre-school was designed to provide large, light rooms. During the 1940s and the 1950s, it was assumed that child care should act as a complement to the home (i.e., not be regarded as a competitor). Such different connotations inherent in the concept of "a complement to the home" reflect the Zeitgeist of the various decades. They also show how the needs of children and family have been expressed; which, in turn, related to the need for women to be active in the labour force. The results of the analyses show that official documents, parents and staff express a belief in pre-schools and family day nurseries as important complements to the homes, particularly in reference to children's social development. But the differences the parents express concerning their children's upbringing are shown to relate to their educational background. The actual activities of the pre-school complement are worked out in close co­operation between parents and staff. Difficulties occur when individual children's needs are taken as a point of departure. This result suggests that the pre-school can be a complement to each child only when divergences in opinions between staff and parents are limited. Family nurseries, which generally are less organised and have fewer children than pre-schools, can provide child care that is more designed to fit the specific needs of children and parents. One of the conclusions of this study is that pre-schools are run on the basis of staff efforts, and that co-operation with parents constitutes a decisive factor in the future development of pre-schooling. / digitalisering@umu

The investigation concerns childrearing among settlers in the northern part of Sweden between 1850-1920. What were the attitudes of the adults towards children and what ideals were there for children's behaviour? By investigating childrearing I also intended to find which general values and norms there were in the settlers' society. When answering these questions it has turned out that the relationship between discourse, ideal norm and practice is of central importance. The source material has been taken mainly from ethnological archives. The specific elements in the settlers' way of bringing up children will be clear from a comparison with other methods from different times and different social systems. I have found it productive to refer to the discussion regarding various theories on the history of civilisation. The problems of historical translation constitute a central methodological issue in the comparison between different ways of bringing up children. I have tried to dissociate myself from the analysis of childrearing in different times which can be found in the thoughts of Philippe Aries and Norbert Elias. Michel Foucault represents a more unprejudiced history of civilisation and his thoughts about an older and a younger form of steering mechanism have turned out to be applicable in the case of historical change in the discourse and practise of childrearing. The childhood of the settlers' children can be divided into two separate periods; the liberal period of the child's first two or three years, and the time when discipline began. During the first period the child was entitled to have all its needs fulfilled. At the age of four or five a more rigorous discipline began. Flogging and fright were used and the purpose was to make the child obedient, humble and willing to work. Adults could openly express tenderness and kiss and fondle the infants. It is more difficult to interpret the language of tenderness where the older children are concerned, since adults did not express their feelings for them in words or gestures. The way the adults related to the children reveals, however, an attitude which deviates from the ideas of the Old Testament. This attitude, which existed on the level of practise, meant loving playfulness and respect. Discipline was used to teach the children proper behaviour in all areas of life, e.g. the social life with all its strict rules of etiquette. The difficulty in discovering the discipline which existed in the settlers' society, is linked to the fact that their idea of proper behaviour did not always correspond with the ideas of the middle class. The settlers taught their children to control their spontaneous feelings of distaste for dirt and uncleanliness. To openly demonstrate warm feelings for other people was also discouraged. By expressing feelings of shame, the children were taught to discipline their sexuality. Training in humbleness was also a training for life. Children who were in service had to learn the manners and the landless people were outside the reciprocity in the' settlers' society.

This thesis is a case study about the forms of appearance and the consequences of relations and communication in collaborative work between school and child-care providers. The empirical data consists mainly of interviews, but include also a number of written documents. The aims of the study are: • First, to review how relations and communication appear in collaborations between school and child-care. • Second, to examine the consequences of relations and these communica-tions for cooperation between different professions in school and child-care. • Third, to review how these relations and communications between child-care and school are influenced by organizational conditions. The theoretical frame of reference has four sections. The first comprises some comprehensive assumptions for the thesis. The second deals with perspectives on relation and communication. The third discusses cooperation as organizing of social processes. The fourth examines, from a neo-institutional standpoint, how organizational conditions influence professional relations and communication in these collaborations. Regarding relations, the analysis shows that there was regular face-to-face-contact between different professional groups but variations in frequency of contact. One contributing cause to the variations was geographical distance. Another cause was the extent to which the groups shared common interests. It also became evident that there were variations in the distribution of power partly caused by systemic, structural, conditions and partly by episodic and temporary aspects. The analysis also shows that communication has four content types. First, work communication, refers to the everyday communication in cooperation. News- and status communication concerns actors, at different levels, informing other actors about their status. Management communication, partly concerned the coordination of areas of responsibility on the management level. It also con-cerned the managers’ direction of the operative level. Value and culture communication, included discussions about the underlying assumptions of different programs. Relations and communication affected those areas of knowledge and those programs that would be a part of the cooperation. If the actors did not agree with one another they had to negotiate to reach an agreement that both parties accepted. Communication also influenced the opportunity to organize cooperation around children’s needs. For example communication influenced flexibility in the cooperation. To make this possible continuous communication was necessary as was the opportunities to create similar knowledge about each other’s competence and how it was manifested in the practical work. Regarding the organizational conditions, institutional rules affected the actors opinions about whom they should cooperate, and therefore communicate, with. In spite of that, the actors on the operative level had a space to act strategically. Therefore the implementation of cooperation, to a great extent, was formed in communication between actors who were involved in the every day work.