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The study focused on the positive or negative direction shown in 57 articles from ten English-language magazines covering the 1973 military coup in Chile, September 1 to December 31, 1973, inclusive. Magazines chosen were from the fields of news, religion, opinion, and business. Direction was determined by comparing individual thought units within articles against a category table comprising mutually exclusive pairs of thought units. Directional value of each article was determined by positive and negative ratios. Results showed a wide variation in scores, with news magazines adhering most closely to the objective ideal. Recommendations for further study included long-term study of single magazines or classes of magazines for direction, and an expanded mathematical analysis.

After rising to a position of political and economic importance among the Latin American republics of the nineteenth century, Chile lost that leadership in the early 1900’s, much to the consternation of her leading statesmen and intellectuals. The economic dislocation following World War I exacerbated the already serious social conditions, while at the same the traditionally passive lower classes started to demand a voice in the management of their own affairs. The existing governmental system had proved itself powerless to solve the pressing problems facing the country at every turn. Chile desperately needed new leadership; the time was perfect for the emergence of a modern-style caudillo. As early as 1918, Arturo Alessandri was prominently mentioned as a likely candidate for the Presidency. He had established his charismatic qualities and his political prowess in his 1915 campaign for the Senate seat for Tarapacá, and in the short span of four years he became the “popular” choice for the highest office. Alessandri won nomination as the candidate of the Liberal Alliance coalition in 1920, and he was elected President by such a slim margin that the contest had to be decided by a Tribunal of Honor. His triumph made him Chile’s first middle-class chief executive—a victory for the middle sectors that voted for him and the lower classes that threatened revolution if he were denied the office. The magnitude of his win must be qualified, however, for the oligarchy was aware that without control of Congress Alessandri would be unable to effect even moderate reforms. He had promised to right all the things were so wrong in Chile but such promises were not to be fulfilled.

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This dissertation seeks to contribute to the understanding of democratic "quality"---with particular reference to "Third Wave" democracies---by suggesting an evaluative and methodological tool: an examination of "stakeholder" institutions, which are understood to be institutionalized mechanisms for meaningful political participation. Beginning with the notion that political institutions make a difference in how politics is conducted, the thesis argues that "second tier" stakeholdership institutions---that is, institutions beyond voting and political party rules, such as public hearings, the formal inclusion of encompassing organizations in government decision-making, or public interest law---are extremely important in the deepening of democracy and the attainment of high-quality democracy. The thesis then uses stakeholdership as a foundation to build four models of democracy (hyper-presidential, "cupular", neo-corporatist, and pluralist) each of which vary in terms of stakeholdership and, therefore, in terms of democratic quality. After exploring these themes in the first three chapters, the thesis examines the case of post-authoritarian Chile. By looking at tax reform and judicial reform in Chile since 1990, the thesis analyses political bargaining, modes of inclusion and political institutions to determine the quality of Chilean democracy. The thesis concludes that of the four models articulated earlier, "cupular" democracy best captures the reality of Chile since 1990. Since cupular democracy has very low levels of stakeholdership, the thesis suggests that this is worrisome and makes some tentative recommendations for democratizers, both in Chile and in other relevant contexts.