How are Centre parties distinct from Left and Right parties in term of their policy preferences? The scholarship on political parties either ignores Centre parties or treats them as a residual category. In this study, I attempt to rescue Centre parties from obscurity by looking at a quintessential Centre party: the Chilean Christian Democratic Party (PDC). Between 1990--2000, the PDC led two centre-left Concertacion coalition governments under Patricio Aylwin (1990--1994) and Eduardo Frei (1994--2000). It was the PDC's responsibility to negotiate the 'Chilean paradox': a country that had achieved economic success with neoliberalism and become a "model" for Latin America but where the "social debt" increased exponentially during 17 years of military rule under Augusto Pinochet (1973--1990). Health was one of the main concerns for Chileans through the decade but there was little headway made in the policy arena. My study seeks to explain why this was so. / I make a distinction between (1) the "defensive" Centre which aspires to be neither left nor right; and (2) the "encompassing" Centre parties that are both left and right. Christian Democratic parties are "encompassing" Centre parties par excellence since they incorporate elements of both left and right ideologies in a manner consistent with their social Catholic beliefs. They are known to combine a conservative position on social and moral issues with a pro-poor orientation on welfare issues. The main policy dilemmas of the PDC emerged from its status as an "encompassing" Centre Party as it sought to reconcile left and right. During the 1990s, the PDC shifted allegiance from state-led development policies to neoliberalism. As a result, the scope of the party's commitment to welfare issues was defined within the range of options available within the neoliberal model. However, while neoliberals dominated key policy positions, statists retained influence in the Congress and within the party organization. The uneven nature of adaptation to neoliberalism became one of the main obstacles in reaching a consensus for reform. My study also gives due emphasis to the constraints introduced by the country's institutional framework, notably the 1980 Constitution inherited from the military regime.

This thesis examines the testimonies of victims related to the use of torture during the Pinochet dictatorship. It contends that the existence of a broad testimonial archive on torture, significantly produced by the victims themselves, points to a collective 'speech' by which victims have attempted to splinter the silence of the dictatorial state and, in the aftermath of the repression, to contest the 'official history' of the transitional state. The testimonies of torture victims, it will be argued, signify a specific mode of action, a 'doing' of memory, whereby the experience of torture is re-membered in an effort to bring accountability for the crimes committed and this, from the first days of the dictatorship up to today. This speech of victims moreover is seen to constitute the unifying link between the testimonies of torture victims that have emerged during the dictatorship itself and those that continue to emerge today.

No description available.

This study is concerned with describing and analyzing the factors that led to the election and subsequent defeat of Salvador Allende. The research information was selected from leading books, periodicals, government documents, archives, and newspapers. The thesis presents the political history of Allende's rise to power, the social structure that made his victory possible, the development of major programs that facilitated his ascension and that made his decision inevitable, and, finally, an analysis of his administration with observations as to why he failed. The importance of the lower class, the middle class, the military, and the United States are presented as factors contributing to Allende's victory and later accelerating Allende's fall from power.

The general purpose of this study completed in 1999 was to create an accurate, documented description of the experiences of nine students, three faculty members and two administrators in higher education in Chile during the military government 1973 - 1990.A qualitative approach was selected as the most appropriate methodology to' complete the study. A variety of methods and data collection strategies were used. The major data collection strategies were interviews and reviewing of primary and secondary written sources. The interviews were used to collect evidence concerning interviewees' experiences, as well as their attitudes, and perceptions regarding the events that occurred in higher education during the rule of the military government 1973 - 1990.The researcher decided to use a judgment sample of interviewees from the population based on their knowledge about the topic and their willingness to share their knowledge and experiences. Geographical representation, position within the institutions, kind of institution represented, and gender were major the considerations at the moment of selecting the sample too.Thanks to the U.S.A. Freedom of Information Act, which established an effective statutory right to access by any person or organization to federal government information, the researcher found official information that allowed for triangulation of evidence.The findings showed that the changes the military government implemented through their modernization of the educational system did not follow the historical trend of educational development in Chile. Furthermore, under the military government, policymaking in higher education was circumscribed to autocratic arenas, which usually coincided with government policy. Education was utilized to serve the purpose of the government. The educational system 1973 - 1990 failed to serve those with special needs. Free-market policies profoundly transformed education from a right available to all, to a commodity available in varying quantity and quality according to purchasing power of individuals.The impact of military government on higher education during the military rule was notorious and huge. Even though they were destructive in some aspects the military government did good things for the educational system. The issue in discussion is the price that was paid. / Department of Educational Leadership

This study is an attempt to contribute to the emerging theoretical literature on state repression. A time-series model was developed to test the hypothesis that state violence in Argentina and Chile is largely a function of four internal political factors and their interactions: 1) the inertial influence of past restrictive policies on the formulation of current policies, 2) the annual incidence of political protest demonstrations, 3) the perceived effectiveness of repressive measures on unrest, 4) and the institutionalization of military rule.

Doctorat en sciences sociales, politiques et économiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-09-27T12:27:16Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Bruno Martins Nakagawa Lanfranchi.pdf: 1531624 bytes, checksum: ff37bbc179ef1ec62ac9e4adb168f7bf (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-09-27T12:27:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Bruno Martins Nakagawa Lanfranchi.pdf: 1531624 bytes, checksum: ff37bbc179ef1ec62ac9e4adb168f7bf (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-08-28 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This research proposes acomparison of the Constituent Processes from Brazil and Chile and its consequences in shaping respective election rules.Therefore, the work starts form the historical assessment of circumstantial aspects in Brazil and Chile during the decades of 1970s and 1980s, their institutional and regimental structures within the Constituent Processes, which resulted in the Chilean Constitution of 1980 and Brazilian Constitution of 1988, as well as the most relevant politicians who participated on the elaboration of the Constitution Charter.Thus, the investigation becomes relevant as subsidy for debates around the proposals for an election reform in Brazil, as well as for the comparative researches around the institutionalization of political system in Latin America.By doing so, the investigation carries out a historical systematization of the social and political contexts which motivated the elaboration of election rules in Brazil and Chile. In this sense, proposes a research upon speeches and resolutions recorded in official documents such as Minutes, amendment proposals, draft bills and enacts, building a category of analysis which allows the evaluation of conflicts and convergences, themes and contexts that affected the elaboration of election laws within both Constitutions, more specifically, within the maintenance of representation systems, being Proportional in Brazil and Binomial in Chile, more focused on the diverging and similar elements, both under circumstance or diversity perspective of the rule / A pesquisa propõe a comparação dos Processos Constituintes de Brasil e Chile e suas consequências na conformação das respectivas regras eleitorais. Assim, o trabalho parte do levantamento histórico dos aspectos conjunturais de Chile e Brasil durante as décadas de 1970 e 1980, das estruturas institucionais e regimentais dos Processos Constituintes que resultaram nas Cartas Constitucionais do Chile, em 1980, e do Brasil, em 1988, assim como dos atores políticos mais relevantes que participaram da elaboração dessas constituições e leis constitucionais. Dessa forma, a investigação se faz relevante para subsidiar o debate sobre as propostas de reforma eleitoral no Brasil, assim como para as pesquisas comparativas acerca da institucionalização dos sistemas políticos da América Latina. Para isso, a investigação realiza uma sistematização histórica dos contextos sócio-políticos que motivaram a elaboração das regras eleitorais no Brasil e Chile. Nesse sentido, propõe a pesquisa de discursos e resoluções registrados em documentos oficiais, tais como Atas, propostas de emendas, anteprojetos e projetos de lei, construindo categorias de análise que permitem avaliar os conflitos e convergências, os temas e os contextos, que implicaram na elaboração das leis eleitorais presentes nas Constituições dos dois países em questão, mais especificamente, da manutenção do sistema de representação proporcional brasileiro e do sistema binomial chileno. Portanto, torna-se possível a sistematização de um quadro comparativo das condições que deram origem aos sistemas eleitorais brasileiro e chileno, com foco nos elementos divergentes e semelhantes, seja na perspectiva dos contextos contingenciais ou da diversidade na regra

This work covering the period 1795 to 1948 has four main features. It firstly examines the role of international and domestic factors in determining regional interaction and cooperation between South Africa and Chile. Secondly, it documents the whims of the international community, and more particularly the world powers which was a motivating factor in Chilean and South African politics, economy, society and their bilateral relations. Thirdly it covers the period when Britain rose to world power status. Eventually, this gave way to her displacement by Germany and then ultimately the United States. This study's fourth feature is that it marks the first documented account of direct contact between the inhabitants at the Cape of Good Hope and Latin America. The period ends with a cornerstone in the history of South African-Chilean bilateral relations when direct diplomatic and consular relations were established by both South Africa and Chile in May 1948. / M.A. (History)

This work covering the period 1795 to 1948 has four main features. It firstly examines the role of international and domestic factors in determining regional interaction and cooperation between South Africa and Chile. Secondly, it documents the whims of the international community, and more particularly the world powers which was a motivating factor in Chilean and South African politics, economy, society and their bilateral relations. Thirdly it covers the period when Britain rose to world power status. Eventually, this gave way to her displacement by Germany and then ultimately the United States. This study's fourth feature is that it marks the first documented account of direct contact between the inhabitants at the Cape of Good Hope and Latin America. The period ends with a cornerstone in the history of South African-Chilean bilateral relations when direct diplomatic and consular relations were established by both South Africa and Chile in May 1948. / M.A. (History)