China's rise is the most important change in our time. China with a population of 1.3 billion, annual economic growth rates above 10 percent and a successful economic transition has become the second biggest economic power worldwide. Since its economic opening, initiated by Deng Xiaoping in 1978, China has gradually opened itself, welcomed international investors for Foreign Direct Investment and advocated international multilaterism. At the same time, China has successfully secured its own interests. Beijing has, while keeping its currency artificially low, implemented several economic and trade policies, which mostly benefit Chinese companies. At the same time, China reacts highly sensitive to interference in internal affairs and even punishes states, which are too critical of the Chinese government. China’s new, strong role has also transformed the unipolar international system, which was dominated by the United States after the end of the Cold War, towards a multipolar system. Many actors see themselves within a rapidly changing international system and are forced to react to the environment and conduct appropriate foreign policies towards China. This paper discusses EU-China relations from 2001 to 2009 and examines EU’s foreign policy towards China. The purpose of this study is to determine the weakness of Brussels’ China policy and to answer the question of whether or not the EU needs to adjust its policy in order to create a more thorough stance towards China. Keywords: EU, China, foreign policy, EU-China relations, economic rise

Thesis advisor: Robert Ross / The regional great power competition between the United States and China is escalating in various dimensions such as economic, political, and security realms. Who instigates such tension and how? To answer these questions, this paper inquires whether it is the declining power, the United States, or the rising power, China, that causes regional tension to heighten. Applying the theories on power transition and power transition war to the three case studies on South Korea, Taiwan, and the South China Sea dispute in Vietnam, how the United States is provoking China to adopt policies that increase tension will be examined. / Thesis (MA) — Boston College, 2022. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Political Science.

On 2000, the 25th year of the establishment of Philippines-China diplomatic relations, a “Joint Statement on the Framework of Bilateral Cooperation in the 21st Century”, was signed, which stipulates that both countries, "will continue to explore new areas of cooperation among their law enforcement, judicial, security and defense agencies in order to address the serious threats posed by organized transnational crimes." The 30th anniversary on 09 June 2005 was depicted as a “Golden Age of Partnership." Several Memorandum of Understanding on Non-traditional Security (NTS) were signed, such as: the cooperation against illicit traffic and abuse of narcotic drugs and combating transnational crimes, etc.. This study aims to examine the Philippines-China Non-traditional Security Relations based on a Filipino perspective with emphasis on International Terrorism; Drug Trafficking; Maritime Security; Natural and Man-made Disasters; Health Security; and other Transnational Crimes. This will be done by identifying the major motivations for its conception; analyzing the details of its actual implementation; and underscoring its implications to the Philippines and to the emerging strategic developments in East Asia. Various significant events in world, regional, and Philippines-China domestic securities prompted both states to forge relations. This was further reinforced by reasons of geographic proximity; the South China Sea territorial claims; China’s assistance as being crucial in transnational crimes; and the need for the Philippines to have an East Asia-linked Defense and Foreign Policy. In lieu of this, the Philippines gained many benefits, however it also continues to face challenges, like: the RP-US Security Alliance; China-US Strategic Competition; South China Sea Dispute, and the Taiwan Issue. NTS issues provide great opportunities for the Philippines and China to pursue their security relations and enhance bilateral ties. Said relations are deemed to prosper and offer mutual advantages but possibly would not be elevated into a defense alliance within the short to medium term. Although, this would serve as a very good avenue for confidence-building mechanism between the two countries.

M.A. (History) / Please refer to full text to view abstract

Dissertation in fulfilment of the degree of Master of Arts in International relations by coursework and research report at the University of the Witwatersrand 2015 / The 21 century has seen the dramatic increase in African-Chinese engagement, with a significant increase in both political and economic interaction. The changing international political and economic reality has seen China become the biggest economy in the world, in terms of purchasing power parity, and substantially increase its footprint in Africa. The increased developing relationship of African-Chinese interactions has brought fourth both criticisms and conversations of opportunity. Both arguments focusing on understanding the nature of the relationship and exploring whether the interactions can be seen as being exploitative or a partnership in growth. A look at the importance of this relationship cannot be complete without first analysing Africa’s historical and current relationship with its Western counterparts. Secondly the research paper looks at Africa’s place in the current international political economy and why the new prospering African-Chinese relationship presents opportunities. This is essentially what the paper seeks to understand and discuss, looking primarily at the role the Chinese policy of non-interference can play with regards to African states development path and understanding its role in the context of Africa position in the global political economy. Key words: Sino-Africa, Policy of Non-interference, Exploitation, Eurocentricism, neo-liberalism

A research report submitted to the Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Journalism and Media Studies, 2017 / This study investigates China’s media image in Zimbabwe. It does so through the lens of two leading newspapers: The Herald and NewsDay during the intense election campaign period of 2013. It deploys both quantitative and qualitative content analysis of newspaper articles drawn from The Herald and NewsDay in order to investigate the image of China in the Zimbabwean media. In terms of theoretical underpinnings, it draws from various media and communication theories. These include the broad area of image studies and framing theory to understand the media-constructed image of China before, during and after the 2013 electioneering period. These communication theories are tested and applied as a means of gaining insights into how the media shape images of China in Zimbabwe and in Africa generally. The findings of this study suggests that during this period the media image of China was projected in a more positive light in The Herald when compared to the negative images and depictions in the NewsDay. It shows that the economic consequence frame dominated the coverage of China thereby portraying the East Asian country as an economic partner, donor, economic saviour, development source and investor in Zimbabwe. The study also reveals that the construction of the media image of China is influenced by interplay of several factors such as the editorial slant of news producers, economic and political pressures influencing the polarised media environment in Zimbabwe. / XL2018

University of Macau / Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities / Department of Government and Public Administration

University of Macau / Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities / Department of Government and Public Administration

University of Macau / Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities / Department of Government and Public Administration

This dissertation investigates the U.S. military presence in World War II-era China, Americans’ first attempt to forge a nominally equal military alliance with a non-Western nation. Drawing on overlooked Chinese and English-language sources from archives in six countries, it recasts how we view that relationship. Other studies attribute the wartime deterioration of Chinese-American relations to the contentious relationship between Chinese President Chiang Kai-shek and U.S. General Joseph Stilwell, or to conflicting wartime and postwar strategic aims. This study, by contrast, shows how the success and failures of the alliance turned upon the actions of a far larger cast of characters: GIs and Chinese soldiers, ordinary civilians, interpreters, hostel workers, farmers, prostitutes, thieves, bandits, and smugglers. It argues that the power asymmetries between these various actors permeated all levels of Sino-American interaction, undermining the Guomindang government, stoking American feelings of superiority, exacerbating Chinese sensitivities about unequal treatment, and making these allies into adversaries even after Stilwell left China but also long before Cold War animosities solidified. A military occupation, friendly or otherwise, required a daunting set of arrangements that are rarely examined in detail. Beginning in 1941, as some 70,000 U.S. troops trickled into China, American commanders and their Chinese hosts set about solving knotty problems of alliance management related to providing food, lodging, and interpreters. Interactions between GIs and Chinese civilians nevertheless proved fraught, particularly in relation to issues of money, legal privileges, cultural norms, and sex. As theft, misconduct, and violent encounters snowballed, military-to-military relations also deteriorated. From Chinese perspectives, the alliance became an occupation. From American perspectives, the Chinese became impediments—rather than partners. The wartime alliance marked a key turning point in how the United States projected power around the world as well as a seminal moment for modern Chinese perceptions of Americans. After Japan’s surrender, Chinese Communists would exploit local resentment against American servicemen to attack the Chinese Nationalists and seize and consolidate power. Meanwhile, the U.S. military’s legal, cultural, economic, political, and sexual impact on China set recurring patterns of American military behavior that have complicated U.S. policy down to the present day. / 2020-12-03T00:00:00Z