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The EU’s Trade Relations with China (1975-2008): <p>A Linkage Power at Work?<p><p>(Summary)<p><p>The central aim of this thesis is to improve our understanding of the EU’s power, in particular in its external trade relations/negotiations. Our hypothesis is that the EU is a distinctive kind of linkage power, defined as an actor relying on linkage as a crucial modus operandi in its external relations. We explored how, to what extent and in which distinctive ways the EU is such a linkage power. <p>Our analysis was based on three logically interrelated concepts – power resources, linkage and linkage power. Linkage refers to a leveraging strategy, with an aim of packaging relevant power resources, so as to increase leverage in bargaining, or more generally attain a policy objective. I identified seven types of linkages that the EU used: political-economic issue linkage, economic-economic issue linkage, conditionality, contextual linkage, linkage with a third party, cognitive linkage and synergistic linkage. Linkage can hardly work without proper power resources. The latter, as Dahl (1970) defined, refers to all the resources-opportunities, acts, objects etc – that an actor can exploit in order to affect the behaviour of another. So, linkage is a bridge between power resources and impacts – meaning affecting or changing the behaviour of another party. By putting linkage and power together, we created a new term – “linkage power”, referring to a power based on linkages. The EU, the US, China or any other power can all be such labelled, though these actors may diverge in power resources, linkage strategies and the variables affecting linkage effectiveness. When applying such an analytical framework to the EU, we gave particular attention to the implications of the EU’s sui generis nature on its linkage power.<p>Our case study is the EU’s trade relations with China (1975-2008), which were punctuated by two critical historical junctures – the Tian’anmen Square Incident in 1989 and the EU-China Textile Crisis in 2005. In 1975, The EEC’s successful strategy by linking political issues (Europe-China balancing the Soviet Union and recognising China’s sovereignty over Taiwan) with economic issues (signing the EEC-China Trade Agreement) played a crucial role in securing the establishment of diplomatic relations between the EEC and China. Different types of linkages were then applied to the EEC’s negotiations with Beijing on the 1978 Trade Agreement and the 1979 textile agreement, which effectively prompted the Chinese side to agree to the EU’s terms.<p>Immediately after the 1989 Tian’anmen Square Incident, the EC imposed economic sanctions with an aim of coercing China to accept Western world’s human rights conditions. This linkage did not last long or pay off due to divergent political and economic interests among the Member States and the EC’s institutional handicaps (foreign policy competence was largely in the hands of Member States, collective foreign policy action was non-binding), and soon de-linked.<p>Having realised that confrontational approach did not work well, the EC/EU and its Member States started to change their China policies in 1993-95. The period of 1993-2004 witnessed the EC/EU’s power through partnership. The strategic partnership was seen as a complex of different pairs of issue linkages, ranging from political-strategic issues to economic and human rights issues. The partnership, once established, had fostered new linkages and consolidated old ones. China’s WTO accession was seen as a once-in-a-century opportunity for the EU to exercise linkage through conditionality, so as to extract market access concessions from the Chinese side. Moreover, by linking with China could the European Commission garnered international support for advancing the Galileo project within the Union and ward off some of the US pressure in 2003. <p>The Year 2005 was singled out since an unprecedented trade row on textiles broke out, confronting the EU against China’s export prowess resulting from globalisation and China’s WTO accession. Linkages were used as a predominant strategy to help the EU to persuade and press the Chinese side firstly accept voluntary export restrictions and then share the burden of allowing the blocked textiles in European ports to be released. In 2006-08, the trade deficit problem emerged, coupled with a series political spats between Europe (France and Germany) and Beijing on the Tibet issue. As the EU-China honeymoon was over, the Commission toughened its approach towards China. Although linkage was again used to redress the trade deficit, its effects were not satisfactory, as the EU power resources were eroded. <p>Our conclusions are (1) linkage is a crucial modus operandi in the EU’s internal bargain and its external relations with China; (2) Linkage was generally effective vis-à-vis China, but with variations, either over time or across different linkage types; (3) The EU is a sui generis linkage power, resulting from its institutional characteristics and heterogeneity of interests among the Commission and Member States. We find that the EU’s increased institutionalisation (both regional and bilateral) and competences generally facilitated its use of linkage strategies. The EU’s sui generis structure and its internal interest divergences have mixed implications on its linkage effectiveness. On one hand, the EU’s linkage power was weakened accordingly. But on the other, the Commission could tactically make use of some Member State government’s row with Beijing and advance its own economic agenda (such as the EU-China High-level Economic and Trade Dialogue, HED). Moreover, our research also confirmed Andrew Moravcsik’s argument that issue linkage is more easily made within an issue-area than across issue-areas. But we differ from him on the reason behind that. We find that this was largely attributable to the EU’s pillar structure and competence divisions. <p>The theoretical contributions include: (1) Linkage power provides a distinctive prism to look into the EU’s concrete strategies in internal bargains, and external commercial negotiations. Linkage serves as a crucial strategy for the EU to handle its relations with a far-abroad country like China, including establishing diplomatic relations, negotiating trade deals, forging strategic partnerships and holding high-level dialogue. (2) Giving some insights to the EU’s actorness. We find that the EU, though institutionally not a unitary actor, was somehow able to present its power to the extent like a sovereign state on some occasions using linkage strategies. (3) Contributing to the understanding of the EU’s means to spread its governance model. We find that the EU’s norm-setting goals have often been achieved through non-normative ways – such as interest exchange and trade-off, and other deliberate ways of persuasion and even coercion, mainly based on linkage. (4) Shedding light on the interactions between the Commission and the Member State governments and on the Commission’s autonomy in external trade relations. <p> Two future directions of research have been identified: (1) comparative studies: the EU’s linkage practices vis-à-vis the US, Russia and middle powers, or other actors’ linkage strategies vis-à-vis China; (2) post-Lisbon linkage strategies used by the EU. <p> / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

University of Macau / Faculty of Arts and Humanities / Department of Chinese

As ownership of Hong Kong changed hands from the United Kingdom to the People's Republic of China in 1997, citizens and filmmakers of the city became highly aware of the political environment. Film director Wong Kar-Wai creates visually stimulating films that express the anxieties and frustrations of the citizens of Hong Kong during this period. This study provides a political reading of Days of Being Wild (1991), In the Mood for Love (2000), and 2046 (2004) through analyzing various story elements and details within the mise-en-scene. Story elements include setting, dialogue, character relationships, character identities, thematic motifs, musical references, numerology, and genre manipulation. Wong also uses details within the films' mise-en-scene, such as props and color, to express political frustrations. To provide color interpretations, various traditional aesthetic guidelines, such as those prescribed by Taoism, Cantonese and Beijing opera, and feng shui, are used to read the films' negative comments on the handover process and the governments involved. When studied together the three films illustrate how Wong Kar-Wai creates narrative and visual references to the time and atmosphere in which he works, namely pre-and-post handover Hong Kong.

This thesis examines the deep bilateral tensions surrounding the East China Sea (ECS) disagreements between Japan and the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in the period from August 19th 2003 to June 18th 2008 from an actor-centred constructivist liberal viewpoint. The East China Sea disputes could be described as a conflicting difference of opinion over a) the demarcation of maritime territory and Exclusive Economic Zones (EEZ) in which potentially significant energy deposits exist and b) the ownership of the strategically important and historically sensitive Pinnacle (Senkaku/Diaoyu) Islands. This research addresses the question of why, given the fact that China and Japan have a strong interest in co-operation and stable relations with each other, small incidents in the ECS blow up into larger problems, cause approaches to the East China Sea to wax and wane, and move the relationship in a direction that goes against preferred national objectives? In attempting to unravel this puzzle, this work argues that domestic politics and popular negative sentiment have been the major issues that have greatly amplified and politicised the ECS problems and have significantly affected positive progress in negotiations aimed at managing and stabilising these disputes. By examining these, the thesis addresses the question of why China and Japan have been so constrained in their attempts to find a workable bilateral agreement over disputed energy resources and demarcation in the East China Sea. It also indirectly deals with the question of why the conflicting legal complexities surrounding these disagreements contributed to both states so fervently maintaining and defending their claims.

本文主要分析了海原县在实现现代化的发展过程中，国家如何利用权力和空间来主导现代化。同时，也以此为主题，分析了农民在国家主导的现代化过程中，如何做出反应。 / 本文将研究集中在现代化与发展这样的背景下，用权力和空间这样的核心概念，来分析国家与回族民众之间的关系，从而来推出在中国国家话语下，现代化的实践，农民所采取的各种应对方式，不是以挑战国家权威，或者有意与国家做对这样一套路径来看待中国国家与农民之间的关系，而是更应该交往全面、宽幅度、更为厚实地去看待国家和农民的关系。农民并非一味地反对，也不是完全地接受，农民往往是在更为理性的层面，根据具体问题而采取相应的应对。应对，有些是明显且看得见的应对，有些是隐藏的不易发觉的应对。所以，完全用农民本来就要反对国家，或者说，农民与国家是二元对立的不可调和的矛盾关系，显然有些过度解释了农民的行为和思想。 / 本文以"农民进城、"新农村建设、"面子工程"和反对县城搬迁这样一些具体的个案，从农民对待国家政策的微弱难以明显看出到强烈地应对县城搬迁这样一些多层次的个案，来考量了国家在主导现代化的政策中，政绩与自我利益作为隐藏话语，而从对农民有好处，帮助农民发展早日摆贫困为公开话语，来促成各项政策的落实。农民在这些不同的背景下，用属于并适合自己作为农民、回族、伊斯兰教信徒等身份来维护自己的利益。总而言之，整个论文以田野调查为方法，着重分析了发展背景下的地方政治和民众的应对战略，同时也分析了国家与民族之间复杂的社会关系。 / This thesis studies the roles of the state in the modernization of Haiyuan in Ningxia, China, and analyses state power and the state use of space. Also analyzed is how ordinary people respond to state power in this state-led modernization. / Focusing on the background of modernization and development, I shall study the multi-layers of relations between the State and Hui Muslim civilians, so as to show that, under the discourse of the State, their responses to the state are not simply challenging state power, but are more complex in this relations between the state and the people based on concrete situations. Some of their tactics of resistance are visible while others are hidden. This it is simplistic to view the state and the civilians as in direct opposition. / By studying concrete cases of farmers moving into the county seat, the government building a"new village, the government's "beautifying project and the people's resistance to the relocation of the county seat, this thesis examines the weak and strong resistance of the people. This study analyzes how the state manipulates the policies and the processes of modernization for political interests, which are hidden behind political discourses about helping the poor out of poverty. The state seeks to implement its policies, while the Hui civilians use their relevant peasant, Hui and Muslim identities to protect their own interests. Overall the thesis uses ethnographic approach to highlight the local politics of development and the people's tactics of resistance as well as the complex relationship between the state and the people. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 馬建福. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 196-205) / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Ma Jianfu. / l摘要 --- p.1 / ABSTRACT --- p.3 / 致谢 --- p.4 / 地图 --- p.5 / Chapter 地图一 --- 调研省份宁夏在中国版图中的位置 --- p.5 / Chapter 地图二 --- 宁夏地图及各市县分布（来源：来自矢量地图） --- p.6 / Chapter 地图三 --- 海原县在整个宁夏的地理位置（来源：谷歌截图自己制作） --- p.7 / Chapter 地图四 --- 本文研究调查点分布 --- p.8 / Chapter 第一章 --- 导言 --- p.9 / 引言 --- p.9 / 研究主题与研究问题 --- p.18 / 相关理论与研究范围 --- p.24 / 研究地点 --- p.40 / 研究方法 --- p.45 / 论文的结构与框架 --- p.48 / Chapter 第二章 --- 海原县的现代化历程：民族志的视角 --- p.50 / 引言 --- p.50 / 走进“现代化的海原 --- p.56 / 历史话语中的现实映射：一个需要开发和搬迁的地方 --- p.59 / 天灾人祸与故土难离：地震灾难后的记忆 --- p.62 / “现代化的历史过程 --- p.70 / 国家框架下的居民：回民、汉族 --- p.72 / 三种权力体系下的社会组织 --- p.77 / 本章小结 --- p.78 / Chapter 第三章 --- 社区移植的发展与政治 --- p.80 / 引言 --- p.80 / 县城的变化 --- p.81 / 搬进县城的人 --- p.86 / 在县城与农村之间 --- p.95 / 另类迁移：一切为了孩子？ --- p.99 / 本章小结 --- p.105 / Chapter 第四章 --- 面子工程、发展与民众应对 --- p.107 / 引言 --- p.107 / 面子工程：建在店面门前的围护墙 --- p.109 / 面子工程：一个“拆字千家泪 --- p.115 / 面子工程：刷了颜色的墙 --- p.121 / 本章小结 --- p.124 / Chapter 第五章 --- 县城搬迁、发展与民众应对 --- p.126 / 引言 --- p.126 / 县城搬迁前的故事：作为发展的解释 --- p.130 / 搬迁与应对：弱者武器的施展 --- p.139 / 善后处理：带头者的拘留 --- p.150 / 本章小结 --- p.152 / Chapter 第六章 --- 宗教与民众应对 --- p.155 / 引言 --- p.155 / 在农村与城市之间：进退两难的回族人 --- p.155 / 王井新村的生活：没有清真寺的应对 --- p.162 / 新农村建设中的宗教应对 --- p.164 / 国家治理与共谋：宗教领袖的安抚和提升 --- p.171 / 老少边穷与回族身份：农民应对的工具 --- p.173 / 教主与信众：权力利用与关系应对 --- p.175 / 本章小结 --- p.177 / Chapter 第七章 --- 总结 --- p.180 / 现代化与发展的政治逻辑 --- p.181 / 国家主导下的空间生产与社会关系的重构 --- p.182 / 权力与国家治理：代理人的作用 --- p.184 / 变化不断的现代化：社会关系的重塑 --- p.186 / 治理与应对的人类学反思 --- p.189 / 空间生产与权力形塑社会关系 --- p.193 / 治理术、国家与民众 --- p.194 / 参考文献 --- p.196 / [中文文献] --- p.196 / [英文文献] --- p.198

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / This thesis is a critical literature review on the studies of social movements and contentious politics in the U.S. and China. Thanks to theories of contentious politics, we can analyze the studies of America’s social movements and China’s collective actions in the same “frame.” By making a comparison, this thesis tries to construct a theoretical dialogue between the studies across both countries. At the same time, it criticizes over-generalizing the mode “democratic-nondemocratic” in analysis of repertories of contentious politics and downplaying capitalism’s role in the social movements. From the various empirical studies in both countries, this thesis argues that a generalization should be based on the diversity of this realm, not just from the western perspective.