The thesis is a study of the political relevance of the views of Karl Barth on Church and State as they relate to the apartheid State in South Africa. In other words, the thesis deals with the part that should be played by the Church in opposing the demonic power of apartheid. Barth's allembracing theology could be used as a catalyst to expose the evil of apartheid and the way in which this evil could be eradicated, in preparation for a democratic order. In Chapter 1, the investigator argues in favour of the use of a methodology which takes praxis as its focus. This suggests that praxis develops theory and the latter informs praxis. Praxis and theory affect each other, thus creating a circular movement wherein both theory and praxis are both individually necessary (or the development of the other). In Chapter 2, the investigator again describes Barth's early theology. A predominant characteristic of Barth's early theology is its concern about the Word of God as incarnated in Jesus Christ, and the attempt to focus its attention on the plight of workers in the employ of the capitalistic system. As the thesis develops in chapter 3, the researcher further shows Barth's contributions to the struggle between the Church and National Socialism and between the Church and communism, more especially in the countries falling within the communistic bloc. In Chapter 4, the investigator focuses strongly on the struggle of the Church against the tenets of apartheid ideology, using Barth's theology as a mediating voice. At the end of the thesis in chapter 5, the investigator deems it necessary to make suggestions and recommendations to round off the argument begun in the first chapter. The suggestions and recommendations are subjected to what obtains in Barth's theological ethics on the relations between the Church and State. By so doing, the investigator suggests ways and means by which South Africans can successfully work out a constitution which will enable all people in South Africa to prepare themselves for a new dispensation. / Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology / D. Th. (Theological Ethics)

My duty and aim in the writing of the thesis was neither based on scholarship nor on the fluttering of the dove coates of theological orthodoxy, but on the interpretation of the austere nature of the life of black people under the Nationalist Party rule of Apartheid. My duty, therefore, is that of an interpreter of the situation. There is nothing academic about apartheid. What is there is the monstrous evil perpetuated through the genius of the Afrikaner-Broederbond and the Afrikaans Churches and to a lesser extent by the liberal white community within the confines of South Africa (Introduction, p. vii)

Submitted in accordance with the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the Faculty of Arts in the subject ETHICS at the University of Zululand, 2008. / The year 2004 marked South Africa's celebration of ten years of democracy as encapsulated by guaranteeing a better life for all. The gap between the rich and the poor as well as moral degradation challenges the euphoria of our young democracy. The South African government's commitment to non-racism, justice, democracy and non-sexism constitutes a centre of values that challenges us all to live better lives. This social-democratic society is a secular expression of a Biblical social vision. Within the juxtaposition of Theopoiitics and secularism, this research explicates the challenges of liberal and secular laws as imposed on a fervently religious country. Theopoiitics, as described as the continual interrelationship between government and church, is firmly cemented in South Africa. Nevertheless, how far would the secular, socialist-inclined government go in distancing itself from religious interference? How willing are churches to move away from a marginalised social agent to become a re-energised moral watchdog? Consequently, South Africa's transformative democracy needs to rediscover its spiritual heritage, while churches and Christianity need to invigorate Theopoiitics to participate in and guarantee the realisation of a just democratic order. This study therefore examines the level of interaction between church and state, specifically the Anglican Church and the Dutch Reformed Church. Furthermore, the degree of representation of church attendants and the electorate, as linked to transformation and their leaders in church and government respectively, are scrutinised. In conclusion, it becomes apparent that Theopoiitics will continue to play a role in the secular South Africa. Church-state relationships will be united in their shared vision of a fair, just and socio-economically viable South Africa.

Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: One of the biggest revolutions in the United States, equal to the political revolution by which that country came into being, concerns a change in people's concept of God. In this context, freedom of religion came to playa fundamental role in society. In the United States religious freedom means that that country's central power should be completely neutral towards religion. This view is criticised as being the result of just another philosophical presupposition, called "secular individualism:" According to this view, state and church (or religion) are rigidly separated. Religion is viewed as an "irrational power", and should be limited to private life only. The South African Constitution did not follow this route. The state is not expected to be secular. It may even create circumstances conducive to the promotion of religion, although it should remain neutral towards specific religions. In South Africa religious freedom entails the acknowledgement of a group right, an important aspect of democracy, as long as the exercise of this right contributes towards tolerance and cultural openness. The premise is that the exercise of collective group values can play an important role to inspire people towards embracing human rights (which lie at the heart of the Constitution) as a core value of their social morality. I also deal with the problem of the limitation of this group right. Religious freedom further entails that the courts should not embark on judging in the theological and doctrinal conflicts of religious groups. However, churches cannot withdraw themselves from the ambit of the courts' authority, although this authority never allows for a decision about the internal dogmatic affairs of churches, It only applies to its administrative legal acts, particularly concerning the position of its paid officials. I further deal with the church as a legal entity, and confront the problem of the South African jurisprudence that treats the church as a mere voluntary organisation. The thesis is that the church is a legal entity sui generis. In other word, the church's legal status emanates from within, and is not bestowed upon it. From a legal point of view; the church should primarily be judged on the basis of its own ecclesiastical statutes. Thereafter I discuss the labour law position of ministers, referring to a number of labour court cases in which ministers were involved. The conclusion is that a minister is not an employee in the ordinary, legal sense of the word, but rather an independent contractor or atypical worker. The nature of his work is such that his divine calling not only encompasses his working life, but his whole life, in the service of God as his employer. As such, the minister's position is fundamentally different from that of an ordinary employee. I take the position that this view is the best way of expressing the church's uniqueness, constitutionally guaranteed, as well as the theological dimension of the church as a unique communal body. Against the minister's possible vulnerability towards exploitation and possible loss of his or her livelihood, he or she enjoys a constitutional as well as an administrative law guarantee. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Een van die grootste revolusies in die VSA soortgelyk aan die politieke revolusie waardeur Amerika tot stand gekom het, raak mense se Godsopvatting. In dié konteks speel die begrip godsdiensvryheid 'n fundamentele rol. In die VSA beteken godsdiensvryheid dat dié land se sentrale gesag heeltemal neutraal is teenoor godsdiens. Die kritiek hierop is dat so 'n opvatting voortkom uit 'n spesifieke filosofiese voorveronderstelling, naamlik "sekulêre individualisme". Hierin word staat en kerk (of godsdiens) rigied van mekaar geskei en die invloed van godsdiens as 'n "irrasionele mag" slegs tot die privaatlewe beperk. In Suid-Afrika volg die Grondwet nie dieselfde weg nie. Van die staat word nie verwag om sekulêr te wees nie. Dit mag selfs omstandighede skep om godsdiens te bevorder, alhoewel dit neutraal teenoor spesifieke godsdienste moet wees. Binne die Suid-Afrikaanse opset beteken godsdiensvryheid dus erkenning aan 'n groepsreg, wat 'n vername aspek van demokrasie is, solank die beoefening van dié groepsreg bydra tot toleransie en kulturele openheid. Die premisse is dat die beoefeninq van kollektiewe groepswaardes 'n belangrike rol kan speel om mense te inspireer om ook menseregte (die hart van die Grondwet) as 'n kernwaarde van hulle sosiale moraliteit te aanvaar. Die probleem is of beperkings op hierdie groepsreg ooit geoorloof sou wees. Godsdiensvryheid beteken verder dat die howe nie tot die beoordeling van die dogmatiese en teologiese twispunte van godsdienstige groepe mag toetree nie. Die kerk kan homself egter nie aan die gesag van die howe onttrek nie, alhoewel dié gesag nooit vir 'n beslissing oor die interne dogmatiese sake van die kerk geld nie, maar net vir sy administratief-regtelike handelinge - in die besonder waar dit die diensposisie van die kerk se betaalde ampsdraers aangaan. Ek handel verder oor die kerk as regspersoon en konfronteer die probleem dat die Suid-Afrikaanse regspraak die kerk bloot as 'n vrywillige organisasie sien. Die tese is dat die kerk 'n regspersoonlikheid sui generis is. Dus kom die kerklike regspersoonlikheid eintlik vanuit die kerk self voort. Regsvrae binne die kerk moet dus primêr aan die hand van sy eie statuut of Kerkorde beoordeel word. In die lig van die voorafgaande bespreek ek vervolgens die arbeidsregtelike posisie van die predikant na aanleiding van verskeie arbeidshofsake, en bevind dat hy of sy nie in 'n kontraktuele diensverhouding staan nie, maar eerder 'n onafhanklike kontrakteur of 'n a-tipiese werker is. Die aard van die predikant se werk as Godsgeroepene omvat nie net die arbeidslewe nie, maar die hele lewe wat hy of sy onder die beheer van sy of haar Werkgewer stel. Dit maak dat die predikant se posisie fundamenteel van dié van 'n gewone werknemer verskil. Ek handhaaf die posisie dat dié standpunt die beste gestalte gee aan die uniekheid van die kerk wat deur middel van grondwetlike godsdiensregte gewaarborg word, asook die teologiese dimensie van die kerk as 'n unieke samelewingsverband. In die aangesig van moontlike uitbuiting is die predikant se lewensonderhoud of "traktement" egter gewaarborg in soverre hy of sy 'n grondwetlike sowel as 'n administratief-regtelike aanspraak op 'n billike bedeling binne die kerk het.

Apartheid had long been an everyday practice in South Africa when the NG Kerk threw its weight behind it during the third decade of the twentieth century. However, it did not take long before the church began playing a leading role in this respect. During the fourth and fifth decades many decisions and publications underscored the church's conviction that the policy of separate development was based on Scripture. The South African Government and the National Party Government, in particular, were certain of the co-operation of the NG Kerk not only in the establishment of this policy but also in the extension thereof to cover all the facets of social, economical and political life. Although the NG Kerk, on many occasions, reiterated that the policy should be implemented with justice and compassion, it was always clear that apartheid as a policy that was based on colour could only result in discrimination against, and injustice to, people of colour. This resulted in growing resistance by blacks, coloureds and Indians since the beginning of the century. The resistance increased rapidly after the National Party took over the government of the country in 1948 and proceeded to intensify this policy by applying it to all levels of the political and societal life. On March 21 1960 thousands of blacks marched to the police station in Sharpeville to protest against the pass laws. This resulted in the police killing 69 blacks and wounding 180 in a panic reaction which caused not only a worldwide wave of indignation and protest but also increased racial tension in South Africa. The World Council of Churches in conjunction with the local member churches immediately arranged the Cottesloe Conference to discuss possible solutions to the racial problems. The proposals of this conference which was held in December 1960 met with strong opposition from Government and were eventually completely smothered by the Church leadership. The proposals were unacceptable because they smacked too much of criticism of apartheid. Notwithstanding the strong political and ecclesiastical rejection of Cottesloe, a group of church leaders nevertheless decided to establish the publication Pro Veritate, and soon afterwards the Christian Institute of Southern Africa was founded in an effort to give scriptural witness in South Africa. Pro Veritate, which later served as the mouthpiece of the Christian Institute (CI) and the CI itself, were - since their inception - seen as contentious issues by both the NG Kerk and Government because of the challenge to apartheid. The church immediately instituted strong measures to suppress Pro Veritate and the Christian Institute initiatives. This was applauded from the political side, particularly in the Transvaal, where certain Afrikaans newspapers gave their full support to it. Decisions were taken by the Southern Transvaal Synod to discourage ministers from contributing to Pro Veri tate and to prevent them from becoming members of the CI. The CI leaders, in particular, had to be silenced. After the General Synod finally rejected the Christian Institute, a long and heart-rending history of church persecution of Naude as leader and Engelbrecht as theologian of the CI followed. It all took place within the boundaries of the Parkhurst parish, of which the Naude and Engelbrecht families were members. Parkhurst parish was part of the circuit of Johannesburg. Strong pressure was exerted on the church council of Parkhurst and the circuit of Johannesburg to censure these members in order to silence them. Disciplinary measures had to be employed to get rid of these voices against the policy of separateness. The church leadership played a prominent role in these efforts. In the intensity with which the campaign was waged in and through the circuit of Johannesburg and the Parkhurst parish, it became evident - as nowhere else - how strong the NG Kerk felt about apartheid. When eventually the Government investigated and banned the CI and confined Dr Naude to his home, the church silently acclaimed what was being done. After all, the NG Kerk had from the very beginning not differed from the Government with regard to the CI. The biblical protest of the CI against apartheid was, of necessity, also a protest against the close ties of the NG Kerk with the Government and National Party. With time, however, the CI also moved into a process of politicisation. Black power and black political aspirations became the major driving forces behind the CI. In the middle seventies it became increasingly clear that a strong relationship had developed between the CI and the African National Congress (ANC). The history of the CI ended in immense irony. This organisation which took its stand on Scripture and courageously warned against the support by the church of a political party and structural violence in serving apartheid, ended in close co-operation with the ANC as a political party which committed itself to the armed struggle to overthrow the Government. There was also the irony that in their struggle against the ali gnment of the NG Kerk wi th the political theology to the right, the CI and its director aligned themselves to a South African version of the theology of liberation - a political theology to the left in which the Gospel of Jesus Christ is struck in the heart. And just as the NG Kerk in its political alignment remained silent about the violence of apartheid - so the CI eventually became silent about the violence of the political party in its struggle against apartheid.

This study examines the Church of Sweden Mission and the encounter between Swedish missionaries, African Christians and evangelists in Natal and Zululand in the early twentieth century. The ambition with the present study is to demonstrate that the mission enterprise was dependent on and an integral part of developments in society at large. It attends to the issue of how the idea of folk Christianisation and the establishing of a territorial folk church on the mission field originated in the Swedish society and was put into practice in South Africa. It describes how the goals implied attempted to both change and preserve African society. This was a task mainly assigned the African evangelists. By closely focusing on the particular regions where the Church of Sweden Mission was present, conflicts between pre-capitalistand capitalist, black and white societies are revealed. The 1906 Bambatha uprising became a watershed. The present study demonstrates how the uprising differently affected different regions and also the evolving -Zulu church. in the one region where Christianity was made compatible with African Nationalist claims, it was demonstrated that it was possible to be both a nationalist and a Christian, which paved the way for both religious independency and nationalist resistance and, eventually, large scale conversions.

This thesis focuses on the Afrikaans Christian Women's Organisation (ACVV), placed within the context of Afrikaner nationalist activity, and traces the variety of ways in which white, Afrikaans, middle-class women sought to construct a racially exclusive 'Afrikaner' people. Stereotypical portrayals of Afrikaner women as passive followers of an ideology constructed by men are challenged. The gendered construction of nationalism is initially examined by tracing the transition from a religious, evangelical, late nineteenth century gender discourse to an increasingly explicit Afrikaner nationalist discourse in the early twentieth century. The ACVV participated in the construction of a popular Afrikaner nationalist culture that portrayed Afrikaans women as mothers of the people or volksmoeders. The first ACVV leaders were acutely aware of the 'New Women' who abandoned conventional notions of femininity - they tried to construct a public, political identity for Afrikaans women that met the challenges of the 'modern' world, yet remained true to Afrikaner 'tradition'. The ACVV sought to fashion Afrikaans whites into 'Afrikaners' through philanthropic activity. At first, this was especially true of rural branches, but from the early 1920s, Cape Town's ACVV also responded to the growing influx of 'poor whites' by focusing specifically on social welfare work. One particular concern was the danger that women working together with blacks posed for the volk. Research on the ACVV's philanthropy is complemented by a study of the lives of landless and impoverished whites in the Cape countryside and Cape Town. Archival material and 'life history' interviews are used to explore the working lives of white, Afrikaans-speaking women who moved from rural areas to Cape Town during the 1920s and 1930s. Complex and contradictory strands made up the private and political lives of female Afrikaner nationalists. During the 1920s, they sought to create a political role for themselves by constructing a 'maternalist', nationalist discourse that articulated the notion of separate spheres for men and women -but extended vrouesake (women's issues). In many ways these were conservative women - yet they adjusted, even challenged, conventional gender roles in Afrikaans communities. In the 1930s, the four provincial Afrikaans women's welfare organisations sought to shape state-subsidised social welfare programmes. The ACVV and its sister organisations had increasingly fraught dealings with Afrikaner nationalist men in the state and church. who did not share the women's vision of female leadership in social welfare policy.

The Church and clergy, during Apartheid played a significant role in the South African political process. It was possible to divide the church into three distinct groups, pro-government, anti-government and neutral churches and clergy. The Dutch Reformed Church because of its close association to the National Party was often dubbed the “National Party of Prayer.” They played an important role in providing moral legitimacy for the regime. On the other hand, church leaders including Allan Boesak and Desmond Tutu were synonymous in their fight against apartheid. The Church still plays a significant role in a democratic South Africa. By virtue of Stats SA 2011 which states that just under eighty percent of South Africans have Christian affliations. However, democratic South Africa has secular constitution which clearly indicates the separation between church and government. Clergy find themselves in an ambiguous situation in a ‘secular state.’ What exactly is the broader role of the Church and in particular clergy in democratic ‘secular’ South Africa? The ambiguity is also fuelled by politicians who often request clergy’s participation in the political process and on other occasions state that clergy should keep to “church business” Part of this enquiry is be answered by asking clergy what they believe their role is. In 2014 a selection of Christian leaders in the Nelson Mandela Bay area decried the governance in the NMBM and South Africa in general. It is to be seen as awakening of clergy in the political process. The objectives of the study are as follows: to look at how Christian religious leaders construct their role in a post-apartheid context with a specific focus on the NMBM, to capture the views of government and political parties1 on what role the Church should play in post-apartheid South Africa, A comparative thematic analysis to determine if there are any similarities or differences in how the Church perceives their political role vis-à-vis the perception of government.

The South African Council of Churches (SACC) played an extremely crucial role during the struggle against apartheid. The role of the SACC was first and foremost to provide a voice for the voiceless. It managed, among other tasks, to actively fill the void left by movements banned by the illegitimate apartheid government. As a result of its fight against the inequalities that existed in South Africa, its work adopted a political character. In the aftermath of post-apartheid South Africa, the SACC was left with the task of redefining its role within South African society and civil society, specifically. The euphoric sentiment in the mid-1990s was in part reflected in the SACC. However, the conclusion reached by the Council in 1995 was that it would also play a role of 'critical solidarity' which essentially meant that it would not shy away from attacking the government when the need arose. Since 1994, the South African government has implemented a number of policies that do not appear to be in the immediate interest of the majority of South African citizens atld have brought church and state into conflict. This thesis attempts to tackle three issues which are pertinent to the South African situation and which shed light on state-civil society interactions. These issues are HIV I Aids, the question of odious debt and the Zimbabwe crisis. By using both primary and secondary sources, the SACC's responses to government's handling of these matters will be compared with the responses of the South African Catholic Bishops Conference in order to determine their relationships with government. The conclusion of this investigation is that the SACC has in fact managed to maintain a position of critical solidarity. It has been faced with numerous challenges with regard to maintaining the fragile boundary of alliance with government on the one hand, and becoming anti-government on the other. However, by forming alliances with other civil society actors as well as fostering a relationship with government in order to facilitate mediation this dissertation argues that the SACC has become an essential member of South Africa's vibrant civil society.

In the year 2004 South Africa celebrated its first ten years of democracy, which reflected the success of the struggle for the liberation of this country. The year 1960 was considered as a year of strong resistance throughout South Africa. Political leaders like Nelson Mandela, Oliver Tambo, Robert Sobukwe, Raymond Mhlaba, Chief Albert Luthuli, Walter Sisulu, Ahmed Kathrada, Lionel Bernstein, Dennis Goldberg and others played a vital role in leading the black people to resist the plan of the current Prime Minister Hendrick Verwoerd, who deprived Africans of their citizenship by forcing the Bantustan system upon them. On the 6th June 1960 more than four thousand Pondos from eastern Pondoland (Bizana, Lusikisiki, Flagstaff and Ntabankulu) met at Ngquza Hill with the intention of discussing their problems. They demanded the withdrawal of the hated system of the Bantu Authorities Act, the representation of all South Africans in the Republic's Parliament, relief from increased taxes and the abolition of the pass system. Before these problems were tabled before the people, a military force had occupied Ngquza Hill. The peaceful meeting was turned into a massacre of innocent people, when police shot victims, tear-gassed them and beat them with batons. Eleven people were killed, many of them were shot in the backs of their heads; and more than 48 casualties were hospitalized and arrested. The Paramount Chief, Botha Sigcau, was blamed for the massacre because he was seen as supporting the government, and this led to the uprising in Pondoland from 1960 to 1963. This event happened three months after the Sharpeville shooting of the 21st March 1960. More than 200 casualties were reported and 69 unarmed protesters were shot dead outside the police station. The ANC and PAC, the liberation movements of the day, were banned and a state of emergency was declared. The Nationalist government suspected the African National Congress of being behind the revolt in Pondoland. The ringleaders of the Pondo Revolt were Mthethunzima Ganyile, Anderson Ganyile, Solomon Madikizela and Theophulus Ntshangela. They listed the Acts that were to be protested against as follows: The Bantu Authorities Act of 1951, the Bantu Education Act of 1953, the Pass Law System of 1952, as well as rehabilitation and betterment schemes. These Acts were imposed by the National Party through Paramount Chief Botha Sigcau. All were detrimental to the future of the Pondo people. Church leaders such as Beyers Naude, Ben Marais and Bartholomeus Keet of the Dutch Reformed Church (DRC), Archbishop Geoffrey Clayton and Archbishop Desmond Tutu of the Anglican Church, Rev Charles Villa-Vicencio of the Methodist Church of Southern Africa, Allan Boesak of the Dutch Reformed Mission Church (DRMC) and others played a major role in confronting and challenging the Nationalist government, which justified apartheid as grounded on Scripture. Not all church leaders opposed this policy: the Dutch Reformed Church was the bedrock of apartheid, along with other Afrikaans speaking churches. This dissertation will serve as a tool to determine the involvement of the church regarding the Pondo Revolt in South Africa from 1960 to 1963. / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / M.Th. (Church History)