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Depuis les années 1990, le concept de participation a fait un retour marqué dans la société civile mais également au sein de la sphère politique, sous la forme d’une généralisation du débat public. Intrinsèquement lié au processus d’individuation de la société contemporaine, l’« impératif participatif » s’impose peu à peu aux responsables politiques et questionne la manière traditionnelle, fondée sur la légitimité élective, de concevoir l’action publique. A l’instar des autres politiques publiques, la politique culturelle se trouve elle aussi confrontée à la question de la participation des citoyens à l’élaboration de la décision publique. Les notions de démocratie culturelle et plus récemment celles de diversité et de droits culturels sont venues ainsi affirmer la légitimité des personnes à contribuer de façon effective à l’élaboration d’un projet politique partagé. Néanmoins, l’idéal de démocratisation culturelle qui légitime, depuis la création du ministère, l’intervention publique en matière culturelle, a induit un processus de hiérarchisation au détriment des citoyens, rendant difficile l’émergence d’un nouveau référentiel.Au plan local, la culture s’est peu à peu imposée au cœur des territoires comme un facteur essentiel de développement visant tout autant à accroitre l’attractivité qu’à garantir la cohésion sociale. En outre, les villes ont induit un rapprochement des centres de décision vers le citoyen afin de mieux prendre en compte les besoins et réalités spécifiques au territoire. Elles se sont ainsi emparées des notions de proximité et de gouvernance, qu’elles s’efforcent de mettre en œuvre au travers de dispositifs participatifs variés. Les municipalités pourraient alors initier le changement en matière de gouvernance culturelle et ainsi favoriser un processus d’égalisation des légitimités. Dans un mouvement inverse dit bottom-up, les citadins sont susceptibles de proposer des formes originales de co-construction de l’action publique. Nous proposons, dans une approche comparative, d’observer les dynamiques participatives dans le champ culturel et d’en apprécier la portée politique et sociale. / Since the 1990s, the concept of participation has made a comeback in civil society but also in the political sphere as a generalization of public debate. Intrinsically linked to the process of individuation in contemporary society, the "participatory imperative" has gradually gained policymakers’ attention, therefore questioning the traditional way, based on elective legitimacy, that public action is implemented.Like other public policy, cultural policy is also facing the issue of citizen participation in the public decision process. Concepts of cultural democracy and more recently the ones of diversity and cultural rights have come to affirm people legitimacy to contribute effectively to the development of a shared political project.In spite of this, cultural policy seems to be inadequately prepared to face the participatory issue. The ideal of cultural democratization, which has legitimized government intervention in the cultural field since the creation of the Ministry of Culture, has also induced a strong hierachical system at the expense of citizens, further compromising the emergence of a new framework.However, the process of decentralization of public action has made municipalities a major producer of cultural policy. Culture has gradually become a key factor in local development aimed at both increasing attractiveness and ensuring social cohesion. In addition, cities have had to narrow the gap between decision centers and citizens in order to take into account the territory special needs and realities. They have embraced the notions of proximity and governance, and strive to implement them through various participatory devices. In support of these factors, municipalities could then initiate a change in governance and promote equalization in cultural legitimacies. In a bottom-up perspective, citizens are likely to provide new forms of co-construction regarding public policy. In a comparative approach, we propose to observe local participatory dynamics in the cultural field and assess their political and social impact.

Call number: LD2668 .P7 1974 G34

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Ph.D.--University of the Witwatersrand, Faculty of Humanities, 2012 / The Kenyan political landscape has, since the 1990’s, been tumultuous and characterised by multiple political and social struggles centred on embedding a new constitutional order. This thesis is a qualitative case study of the Ufungamano Initiative, a powerful movement involved in these struggles between 1999 and 2005. Emerging in an environment of deep societal divisions and multiple sites of struggle, the Ufungamano Initiative is a remarkable story of how and why previously disjointed and disparate individuals and groups came together in a ‘movement of movements’ to become a critical contender in Kenyan constitutional reforms. The movement utilised direct citizens’ actions and was directly in competition with the Moi/KANU state for control of the Constitution Reform Process. This direct competition and challenge, posed a legitimacy crisis on the state led process forcing an autocratic and intolerant regime to capitulate and open up space for democratic engagement of citizens in the Constitution Reform Process. But the Ufungamano Initiative is also a story of the limits of social movements. While holding so much power and promise, movements are limited in their ability to effect fundamental changes in society. Even after substantial gains in challenging the state, the Ufungamano Initiative was vulnerable and agreed to enter a ‘coerced’ merger with the state-led process in 2001. The merger dissipated the Ufungamano Initiative’s energy. This study therefore speaks to the power and limits of social movements in effecting fundamental changes in society. Applying a socio-historical approach, the study locates the Ufungamano Initiative within the broader social, economic and political struggles to argue that contemporary constitutional reform struggles in Kenya were, in Polanyi’s (1944) terms, double movement type of societal counter-movements to protect itself from an avaricious economic and political elites. Engaging the political process model, this thesis analyses seventy in-depth interviews and secondary data to explain the dynamics in the rise, operations, achievements and decline of the Ufungamano Initiative as illustrative of how movements emerge, take on a life of their own and sometimes metamorphose into phenomenal forces of change, or just fizzle out.

A discourse submitted to the Faculty of Architecture, Department of Town and Regional Planning, University of the Witwatersrand Johannesburq, in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of Master of Science in Development Planning. / Andrew Chakane 2018

Chan Hou Chi Carrie. / "Architecture Department, Chinese University of Hong Kong, Master of Architecture Programme 2000-2001, design report." / Includes bibliographical references (p. [195-196]). / prologue --- p.p. 2-3 / literature research --- p.p. 5 - 22 / urban regeneration in hong kong --- p.p. 6- 10 / community participation in planning and design process --- p.p. 11 -20 / synopsis --- p.p. 21 - 22 / site selection and site analysis --- p.p. 23 - 52 / site selection strategies --- p.p. 24 / proposed sites --- p.p. 24 - 27 / site analysis --- p.p. 28 - 48 / project potentials and constraints --- p.p. 49 - 52 / program --- p.p. 53 - 62 / project brief --- p.p. 54 / project mission --- p.p. 55 / application of community participation in the project --- p.p. 55 - 62 / reference / appendix / interviews

Typescript (photocopy). / Digitized by Kansas Correctional Industries

Thesis. 1976. M.C.P.--Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Dept. of Urban Studies and Planning. / Microfiche copy available in Archives and Rotch. / Bibliography: leaves 156-163. / M.C.P.

The prediction of self-reported recycling behaviors was examined using variations and expansions of Ajzen's theory of planned behavior. Three hundred and forty-eight residents from the Multnomah, Clackamas and Washington counties in Oregon completed a questionnaire that assessed attitude, subjective norms, perceived behavioral control, intentions, self-reports of recycling behavior, moral obligation and past behavior. Recycling behaviors and intentions were grouped into three categories of difficulty by a factor analysis. Structural equation analysis did not support Ajzen's model. It was found that although attitudes was correlated with the antecedent variables, it did not directly influence intentions or behaviors. Perceived behavioral control had the largest direct influence on behavior. Subjective norms had the greatest direct influence on intentions. Past behavior, as measured, was not significantly related to any variable in the model. The inclusion of moral obligation added significantly to the ability to predict recycling behavior. Moral obligation directly influenced subjective norms, attitude, perceived behavioral control and behavior. The results suggest that programs that aim to increase recycling behaviors should focus on: the community good as the motivation for recycling, the impacts of the individual's recycling behavior on community resources, the "how to's" of recycling, and supplying services and information about those services.