After the Civil War, the government needed to send an occupation force into Texas to help rebuild the state government and confront the French Imperialist forces that had invaded Mexico. Unfortunately, the government was required to use volunteers because the Regular Army was not yet prepared to handle such a mission. Using citizen soldiers for peacetime occupation was a break from past military tradition, and the men did not appreciate such an act. Historians of Reconstruction Texas have focused on state politics, the rampant violence in the state throughout this period, and the role of freedmen in situating themselves to an uncertain and hostile society. Studies of the military in post-Civil War Texas have examined the army’s role in the state’s political reconstruction, but largely ignore the soldiers. Additionally, these works tend to over-generalize the experience and relations of the troops and Texans. This thesis looks at Western citizen soldiers, comprising the Fourth and Thirteenth Army Corps as well as two cavalry divisions, stationed in Texas after the war from the Rio Grande to San Antonio to Marshall. Beginning with the unit’s receiving official orders to proceed to Texas after the surrender of the principal Confederate forces in 1865, it follows the movements from wartime positions in Tennessee and Alabama to peacetime posts within Texas. The study examines Texan-soldier relations as they differed from place to place. It also investigates the Westerners’ peacetime occupation duties and the conditions endured in Texas. The thesis argues that there was diversity in both the Western volunteers’ experiences and relations with occupied Texans, and it was not as monolithic as past historians have suggested. Specifically, this study endeavors to supplement the existing historiography of the army in Texas during Reconstruction. Broadly, this thesis also hopes to be a more general look at the use of citizen soldiers for postwar occupation duty.

Abstract The purpose of this study is to explore the political attitudes of Senior high school (including professional school) students in Kaohsiung as well as the relationship between the factors of school and family and students¡¦ political attitudes. The subjects of this study are Senior high school students in Kaohsiung.The sampling method is to use stratified cluster sampling method. The 626 students from eight schools were sampled as effect samples. The questionnaire was used to investigate the political attitudes of students based on their gender, their school attribute, and their grade level. Additionally, the questionnaire was also used to explore the relationship between students¡¦ political attitudes and the factors of school and family, including teachers¡¦ styles of discipline, peer relationship, the atmosphere of school organization, club activity and parenting style. Political attitude scales include five types: attitude towards public affairs, sense of political trust, sense of citizen duty, sense of political efficacy, and concept of democracy. The questionnaire is constructed with reference to a review of related literature and is developed by the researcher. The data is analyzed by frequency distribution, percentile, average, standard deviation, t-test, Pearson product-moment correlation, and stepwise multiple regression analysis. The results are summarized as follows: 1. The political attitudes of Senior high school students in Kaohsiung are positive. The results of ¡§ attitude towards public affairs¡¨, ¡§sense of citizen duty¡¨, and ¡§concept of democracy¡¨ are better. The average scores are 3.59 , 3.89 and 3.99.¡@The results of ¡§sense of political trust¡¨and¡§sense of political efficacy¡¨ are less satisfactory.¡@The scores are 2.65 and 2.90. 2. There is no significant difference on political attitudes of students between different genders. 3. There is significant difference on political attitudes of students between different school attributes. Regular high school students were more active than professional school students. 4. There is significant difference on political attitudes of students between different grade levels. 5. There is a significant positive relationship between students¡¦ political attitudes and their teachers¡¦ styles of discipline, peer relationship, atmosphere of school organization, club activity and parenting style. That is, students hold more positive political attitudes when teachers¡¦ styles of discipline are more democratic, peer relationship is closer, atmosphere of school organization is more democratic , club activities are more democratic, and parenting style is more democratic. 6. When political attitude is the independent variable, significant predicting ability is demonstrated in the following five variables¡G¡§ atmosphere of school organization¡¨, ¡§parenting style¡¨,¡§school attributes¡¨ ,¡§peer relationship¡¨, and ¡§association activity.¡¨ Based on the results of this study, the following suggestions are provided: 1. Teachers are suggested to encourage students to express their opinions in order to form democratic atmosphere of school organization. 2. Parents should actively show their concerns about children, accommodate their emotion, and love them. Parental disciplinary style should be democratic. 3. Students should establish good peer relationship and learn inter-personal relationship. 4. Teachers are suggested to encourage students to participate student clubs in order to promote a democratic culture on campus.

Thesis (Ph.D)--Virginia Commonwealth University, 2009. / Prepared for: Dept. of Psychology. Title from resource description page. Includes bibliographical references.

published_or_final_version / Housing Management / Master / Master of Housing Management

published_or_final_version / Housing Management / Master / Master of Housing Management

published_or_final_version / Geography / Master / Master of Philosophy

The urban renewal outcomes have long been criticized as undesirable. Issues like involuntary displacement, uprooting communities and violating local citizens’ views remain unsolved after series of institutional reforms in the late 1990s. The academia thus turned to seek for more public engagement channels and considered engagement as the key to achieve desirable urban renewal outcomes. But repeated failures of new public engagement platforms seem to be inconsistent with the theoretical predictions, creating an impasse in local discussion. The study tries to explain the impasse with Lacanian subjectivity of lack and desire. To fill the existential lack, as metonymical displacement, subjects continuously desire for a complete symbolic explanation. But with the existence of Real, the lacking subjects fail to capture everything under the symbolic, leading to incompleteness and anxiety. To paper over such anxiety, the fantasy of spatial planning delivers a triumphalist imagination that future time and space can be fully manipulated by omnipotent subjects of planning practitioners and conquered by the symbolic (the plan). Thus, the subject behaviors and identifications of planning practitioners and community members are shaped by the Other to sustain such fantasy. Through case study of Ma Tau Kok 13 Streets, the study argues that the main concerns of DURF is not the fulfillment of public aspirations, rather, the recommendations by DURF are solely designed for sustaining the spatial planning fantasy. The issues on urban renewal in 13 Streets are highly complicated and unpredictable, involving entwining conflicting of interests and factors beyond the control of DURF. The inability to control implies incompleteness and insecurity. Therefore, in the final plan of DURF, the complexities are deliberately simplified or bypassed, so that the fantasy and identification of planning practitioners can be sustained and the command of the Other is fulfilled. However, such self-deception fails to provide meaningful recommendations towards the community aspirations from public engagement process and even acts against the interests of local citizens in 13 Streets neighborhood, despite the more balanced composition and democratic procedures of DURF. To overcome the identifications and resulting distortion in public engagement, the curse of fantasy has to be traversed. Planning practitioners has to reavow the existence of the unpredictability of the reality and admit the fundamental limitations of their symbolic. The uncontrollable factors in the reality which has been repressed should be deliberately emphasized with the support of Bottom-Up Geographic Information System (BUGIS). In moral terms, the planning practitioners should consciously bear the condemnation from the Other of not performing as ‘problem solvers’. Besides, the community members should also be educated to bear greater responsibility in forming feasible recommendations in planning process, rather than assuming themselves as idle believers. Thus, other than traditional institutional and structural reform paradigm, a new theoretical outlet derived from subjectivity is provided for the impasse of Hong Kong. / published_or_final_version / Urban Planning and Design / Master / Master of Science in Urban Planning

No description available.

This thesis is a qualitative case study of Vapsten sameby’s participation in the process of establishing a mine in the Rönnbäcken area in Storuman municiplity in Sweden. The mine in Rönnbäcken is a case that has been discussed extensively in the region during the last couple of years. The project is, on one hand, expected to engender job opportunities and economic growth, but on the other hand expected to have a large influence on the local environment and threaten the sami people’s traditional lifestyle. With background in environmental justice theory and theories of citizen participation this thesis emphasizes the meaningful involvement of minorities in decisionmaking. Due to this, Vapsten’s participation in the process has been studied. Further, Vapsten’s experience of their opportunities to participate has been outlined.Drawing upon Sherry Arnsteins model of citizen participation and Hans Wiklunds criterions of deliberation, Vapsten sameby’s participation is not ideal. This conclusion is confirmed by the experiences of representatives from Vapsten.

M. Tech. Public Management / The issue of public participation in local government is important for the delivery of services to communities. The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 and other legislation relating to public participation such as the Municipal Systems Act, 2000 (Act 32 of 2000,) encourage the participation by communities in the affairs of the municipality. In this study, public participation perspectives are outlined on an international level and in South African local government. The area of the study is the City of Tshwane Metropolitan Municipality, which is situated in the Gauteng Province. The study seeks to assess the impact that public participation has on enhancing service delivery in the City of Tshwane. Furthermore, the study seeks to achieve its purpose by establishing the extent to which public participation enhances service delivery in the City of Tshwane.